February 2003 Issue

The whole system has collapsed, says Rafiq Sadiq

Mr Rafiq Sadiq, vice-president of J&K PCC-I, is a disillusioned man today. His family dominated the state's political scene for nearly five decades, leaving behind a distinct mark on it. He belongs to the old school of politics, where politics meant service for the people and commitment to cherished values. Mr Sadiq believes that politics has degenerated beyond redemption. He is deeply pained by the ongoing turmoil in Kashmir and does not see any immediate end to it. His father, late GM Sadiq ruled the state for eight years from 1964 to 1972. Mr Rafiq Sadiq recently spoke to Kashmir Sentinel about men and matters in Kashmir's contemporary history. Excerpts of the interview:

'Karras' has been a political family. They have remained in the thick of politics both before and after 1947. How was this legacy transmitted to you?

RS: My grandfather Haji Abdul Gafar Wani and his brother Kh. Ahmedullah Wani were ahead of their times. They were politically conscious people and wanted Kashmiris to walk with their head high. The two were deeply concerned about the self-respect of Kashmiris.

A few year's prior to 1931 agitation there was a famine. Haji Abdul Gafar organised relief-work and at his own cost purchased grains, Karra. He may have organised some protests too. Maharaja's government ordered a 12 cane-charge punishment for him. As our family was a leading merchant family, dealing in Pashmina wool, he was able to influence leading notables of Maharaja. The punishment was condoned. In 1924 on silk-factory strike also, he had composed a poem. He knew Persian well. His takhlus was Farik. Later my father and uncle Mohidin were also actively involved in the anti-autocratic movement. Kh. Mohidin was a pioneer in the trade union work in Kashmir. He was the first to organise Municipal Workers' Union.

Later during Quit Kashmir Movement our house became the hub of political activities. Mohidin was chief dictator of the War Council. He remained underground for the entire duration of Quit Kashmir Movement. He was all the time at home only but the police could not locate him. Maharaja's troops would often come at 5 AM, lay a cordon of the locality and then go for searches. When they would leave, children would start drum-beating, to make fun of them. Children would also handle posters. My aunt, Zenab Begum first came in politics through Quit Kashmir Movement and delivered a speech at Khanqah. Two of my father's cousins, Kh. Abdul Rashid Wani and Kh. Ghulam Rasool Wani remained in jail for 18 months during this agitation. They were tortured and later shifted to Hira Nagar and Kathua jails. Politics thus became an integral part of our family. I grew up in this atmosphere.

KS: Where was Sadiq Sahib during the 'Quit Kashmir agitation'?

RS: Before the agitation was launched, Sadiq Sahib and Bakshi Sahib had been deputed to Lahore to mobilise the political support. Punjab unit of the Communist Party was a strong unit and father was quite close to the Punjab Communists. They had also to mobilise the press and raise funds from the friends to sustain the agitation in Kashmir. Some families, whose male members were in jails needed urgent financial help. Many NC workers, which included Sham Lal Watt, JN Zutshi, RC Raina, Sri Kanth Raina, Prithvi Nath Raina, Habibullah Zargar (Braroo), Ahsanullah, and others visited Lahore of and on to keep Sadiq Sahib and Bakshi Sahib in touch with the ongoing agitation. Late Dwarka Nath Kachru, who became Private Secretary to Pt. Nehru, would also go to Lahore on behalf of the party. Father returned to Kashmir only after the end of the agitation.

KS: How was Sadiq Sahib drawn to left politics?

RS: In 1930, my father went to Lahore to pursue higher studies. There he came in contact with the communist intellectuals. Balraj Sahni, Krishan Chander, Mr IK Gujral etc were all there at that time. After graduation, he went to Aligarh University for LLB. Messers Gh. Mohammad Chicken and Mirza Afzal Beg were his class fellows there. The latter was his room-mate as well. He returned from Aligarh in 1934 and fought elections to the Praja Sabha. He was elected as MLA alongwith Amashah Shahdad, Mirza Afzal Beg and Mian Yar.

KS: On the eve of accession Sadiq Sahib was deputed to Pakistan to hold talks with Muslim League leadership on State's future. Can you throw some more light as to what sort of discussions took place there?

RS: I must confess my father never made public the discussions which took place between him and the League leadership. He may have taken some people in confidence. Sadiq Sahib was sent because he had direct access to Mian Iftikharuddin. A former left-leaning Congressman, Mian Iftikharuddin was a senior leader in the League government. Through his good offices, Sadiq Sahib was able to meet Liaqat Ali Khan. The League leadership refused to commit itself on anything. They impressed  upon him to bring the entire working committee of National Conference, including Sheikh Abdullah to Pakistan to discuss State's future. Raiders at that time were already in Lahore and were busy looting the people. They had turned into a nuisance. Khan Abdul Qayom Khan wanted to push them forward. A few days later there was tribal raid. Sadiq Sahib returned along with other refugees from Lahore. Pakistan's game-plan was exposed. They were trying to lure NC leadership to Lahore and make them forcibly sign the instrument of accession. I do not know whether Sadiq Sahib kept the record of his Lahore meetings. Our family papers recently got destroyed in a fire incident. Among these were many files of old newspapers.

KS: What was your family's role during the Tribal Raid?

RS: As raiders made advances towards the Srinagar city, Pro-Pak elements and other vested interests in the neighbourhood tried to demoralise our family. They would tell our ladies, "Pakistanis are coming and will slaughter you people. It is better you leave Batmaloo." The whole of Srinagar was in turmoil. Male members in the family were involved in organising resistance to the raiders. Our ladies would confront them, saying, "Come what may. We will not leave Batmaloo. We will die here." Political culture had already evolved in our family.

Sadiq Sahib's maternal uncle, Ali Dar was Numberdar of Palhalan. Kh. Ali Dar arranged safe place for keeping the belongings and other valuables of Pt. Kanth Ram and other Pandit families. When the raiders came they threatened Ali Dar and asked him to hand over the valuables Pandits had kept with him. He told them their information was wrong and challenged them, "If you want to kill me I am ready". The Raiders occupied his big house to set up their headquarters. After Pandits returned, he handed them over their belongings.

During the raid Sadiq Sahib was instrumental in creating J&K Militia to push back the raiders. He was appointed its Chief Administrator (Emergency). Freda Bedi, Zenab Begum, Sajida Begum, Krishna Misri, Mehmooda Ali Shah, Jana Begum took active part in Women's militia. Brig. Usman would also come here to help in the training of militia men.

KS: Sadiq Sahib parted from Sheikh Abdullah in 1953. What were the differences?

RS: National Conference leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah was gradually drifting and reneging on its earlier commitments. In 1952, at the behest of Sheikh Abdullah five-six meetings of working committee were held. He asked the working committee members to give their opinion in writing on the feasibility of options--accession to India, accession to Pakistan or independence. Members of the working committee included Maulana Masoodi, Mohidddin Karra, Budh Singh, Sham Lal Saraf, Sofi Mohammad Akbar, Bakshi Gh. Mohammad, GM Sadiq, Mirza Afzal Beg. Some endorsed accession to India. Few supported accession to Pakistan, but majority of the members tried to play safe by maintaining ambigrity. Even Bakshi did not voice his opinion clearly. Sadiq Sahib was the only member, who not only endorsed accession to India but also gave enough reasons to justify it. He plainly told Sheikh Sahib that Indian Army's presence was a reality and only an army can throw it back. Sadiq Sahib added neither he nor Sheikh Abdullah were capable of doing that. He reminded him accession to India was a conscious political decision on the part of National Conference and asked him to strengthen ties between Kashmir and India. Deliberations of the working committee remained inconclusive.

Sheikh Sahib ignored Sadiq Sahib's dissent. Political situation was deteriorating and the NC leadership was following a policy of drift. Sheikh Abdullah's new stance of maintaining ambiguity on accession and creating doubts against the Centre among the people and NC leadership led to political-uncertainty. This created an opportunity, and Pakistan began fully exploiting the situation.

Then there  was Sahyar incident in July 1953. A National Conference meeting had been organised at Nawakadal. It is not clear at whose behest the meeting had been organised. Sheikh Abdullah had been watching the proceedings from a nearby school. When Mohidin Karra asked the audience, "What do you want". 50-60 people got up and said they wanted Pakistan. Mohidin told them he too wanted Pakistan. The people later formed a procession which finally terminated in Civil Lines area. It created commotion in the Valley and the Central leadership was perturbed. The same Mohidin Karra had opposed earlier reconversion of NC into Muslim Conference and scolded my father when he wanted to attend a reception for Jinnah in 1945.

KS: What was the impact of Sheikh Abdullah's dismissal? Was it avoidable?

RS: Its impact was disastrous. Majority of the rank and file and the leadership went with Sheikh Abdullah. They went to jail with him. It was only later that many of them were weaned back. The split led to a division among the pro-Indian forces. It took some time to repair the damage. For many days Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, the new Chief Minister did not dare to come out of his house. For the whole of August it was a curfew like situation. On 16th August, my father organised the first meeting of his committed workers at Grindlays Bank. They had come in a procession from Batyar, Alikadal. This created hope among those who were as yet reluctant to side with  the new government. Bakshi had no will to face the situation. Sadiq Sahib and his left group played a crucial role in reversing the situation. There was total polarisation. It was clash between the left and the pro-American elements.

Retrospectively I feel there could have been other ways to deal with the worsening situation. Centre could have shown more patience. Its mission to send Maulana Azad had failed due to cold-shouldering by Sheikh Abdullah. Still there was some scope to persist with the efforts. Sheikh's removal looked like a coup. Internal factional struggle also played a part in forcing the pace of events. I feel it was a hasty decision. Secondly, after the dismissal, where was the need to put him behind the bars for so long. It created hostility among people. Had Sheikh Abdullah been released immediately, he would have lost much of his popularity. We turned him into a hero.

KS: Launching of Democratic National Conference was a defining moment in Kashmir's contemporary history. It was the first attempt to introduce competitive politics in Kashmir, democratise it and bring people of the Valley closer to national mainstream. How do you look at DNC's role?

RS: Sadiq Sahib had clarity of political conviction. He was totally opposed to antidemocratic practices and arbitrary governance. Kashmir had no democracy. Freedom and the benefits which people enjoyed under Indian constitution were not available to Kashmiris. Judiciary was state sponsored and judges were appointed by the state government. The financial institutions and the election commission in the state had no accountability because there was no supervisory control of the Central institutions. This hit the common man hard. Rigging in elections crossed all limits. Majority of the candidates could manage uncontested return. State Election Commission had no credibility. Permit system had hit the shawl merchants hard. They had to seek certificate of good conduct from the local halqa president of NC. The merchant would be coerced to sell his merchandise at a throw away price to the halqa president. NC halqas became dens of corruption.

Soon after Sheikh Abdullah's dismissal, Sadiq Sahib and his group began voicing opposition to the corrupt and repressive policies of Bakshi. Concerns of Sadiq Sahib are eloquently reflected in the Sadiq-Bakshi correspondence. The left group stood for a humane governance that carried legitimacy with the people. This inner-party struggle was going on, when distribution of portfolios and the defeat of the official candidate GR Renzu forced Sadiq Sahib and his group to walk out of NC and float DNC.

DNC demanded financial integration, extension of Supreme Court, and labour laws to the state. It also called for abolition of Permit system and bringing State's election commission under the control of Central Election Commission. DNC members in the state assembly vociferously pleaded for these measures. Outside the assembly it built up a strong people's movement to put pressure on the state and the Central government. It was a people's movement. Kashmiris were demanding the rights enjoyed by other people under the Indian constitution. We were successful. Bakshi was initially hostile but later on yielded under pressure of the democratic movement. The bill to extend central laws was passed in 1962. People reacted very favourably. For closer integration at administration and economic level, political integration was essential. National Conference was rechristened as Congress and nomenclature of Prime Minister and Sadr-e-Riyasat were also changed.

KS: Sadiq Sahib ruled the state for eight years. What set his administration apart from others?

RS: He assumed Chief Ministership on February 28, 1964. There were three main elements in his governance. One, he was a liberal democrat, who respected political freedom of others. Soon after he took over he released Sheikh Abdullah and other political prisoners, including Maulana Masoodi, Mohiddin Karra, Mohd. Shafi Qureshi and Maulana Farooq. Hazratbal conspiracy case and other cases were withdrawn and free atmosphere was created. Curbs on the freedom of press were also lifted. Late Shamim Ahmed Shamim launched 'Aina'. It wrote powerful articles against ministers and the government, yet there was no political pressure.

Secondly , Sadiq Sahib had clear vision on the role of bureaucracy. He did not want it to become a law unto itself and favoured its accountability to the political leadership of the government. At the same time he made their authority strong by insulating the officials from local pressures for doing a wrong action. After he took over, he called all the DCs and SPs and issued clear instructions, "Don't  tolerate any interference by local MLA. Only leader of the legislature can issue orders." This gave authority to DCs and SPs. It was on the strength of this administration that he could rely to defeat Pakistan's game-plan in 1965. Sadiq Sahib also had great respect for institutions. Once a youngman came weeping to him for redressal of grievances. Sadiq Sahib told him "Males don't weep. You speak with courage. I will try to redress your grievance. If I am unable to do it, you can knock at the doors of the court for justice." Thirdly, Sadiq Sahib made administration responsive to the needs of the people and tried to limit the scope for corruption.

In the wake of Holy Relic Theft agitation, the administration was in shambles. Within a few months he put it back on the rails and restored the authority of the government. It was not a simple task. Shopkeepers replaced the faulty weight measures due to the fear of the government. Feature programme 'Zoona dab' was started to get the feedback from the people. Sadiq Sahib himself gave directions to late Som Nath Sadhu to make the programme a link between people and the government. He would listen every morning to 'Zoona Dab'. People wrote their problems to 'Zoona Dab' and the programme would highlight these. Immediate remedial action was taken by the administration. 'Zoona Dab' programme became extremely popular. People felt the impact of administration. Justice was speedy. They appreciated positive political interference. Sadiq Sahib tried to see that honesty values percolated down and succeeded to some extent. As the head of the administration was honest, no official dared to indulge in corruption. Sadiq Sahib never compromised on the issue of corruption or favouritism, even when it involved his ministers.

KS: How could state government so easily defeat Pakistan's game-plan in 1965?

RS: There was strong political leadership in the state government which was clear about the tasks. Sadiq Sahib had created an administration that knew its responsibility. JKAP played a commendable role in nabbing Pak saboteurs. Sadiq Sahib's and DP Dhar's sound political leadership made it possible to defeat the Pak game-plan at a very low cost. DP Dhar assumed the task of guiding Indian Army, while Sadiq Sahib worked on the political front. The notable role was played by Mir Lasjan, Rehat Mir, Abdul Ghani Namthali and Mir Mustafa among others. They personally moved with the army as guides and due to this notable successes were achieved.

In 'Operation Gibraltar' Plan, it was the Pak army in civies which had to do the fighting, while Kashmiris had to arrange only food and transport. Sadiq Sahib launched a political campaign to educate people. Late Bansi Parmu organised painting shows. Political rallies were organised to make people aware about the real designs of Pak infiltrators. As a sound administrator Sadiq Sahib ensured that supporters of infiltrators are crushed with a heavy hand. He also did not want to leave any scope for hearsay. He told the people that if they passed on wrong information based, on hearsay, they will be punished, and rewarded in case they came up with reliable information. This approach worked wonders. There was immediate action because of correct information. Pak infiltrators were eliminated within no time.

Sadiq Sahib during his tenure contested politics of both, Jamaat Islami as well as Plebiscite Front. During his time also Jamaat Islami ran its Darsgahs. He called their leaders and firmly told them to limit the role of these schools to just imparting religious education. Sadiq Sahib did not encourage Jamaat and told its leaders that he will not allow them to spread the poison of fundamentalism. After Sadiq Sahib's death, Syed Ali Shah Geelani delivered a speech highly  critical of him in the State Assembly.

Similarly he did not allow politics of Plebiscite Front to go unchallenged. In 1966 Sadiq Sahib decided to hold Panchayat elections. Mirza Afzal Beg threw a challenge that Plebiscite Front would not allow the holding of these elections. Syed Mir Qasim was unnerved. Sadiq Sahib announced, "We will hold elections. Anybody who creates hurdles will be dealt according to law". This silenced the Plebiscite Front. Panchayat elections took place as usual.

By and large the national press took a very positive view of Sadiq Sahib's reign. Initially, Indian Express wrote critical stories but as things settled down, it too wrote positively.

KS: Can you throw some more light on your father's differences with DP Dhar and Syed Mir Qasim. What was Centre's role in all this?

RS: Differences and dissent are part of democratic functioning and there is nothing unusual about it. After 1967 Pandit agitation, Sadiq Sahib changed DP Dhar's portfolio from Home to Education. This was not liked by DP Dhar. He called on Sadiq Sahib and told him, "I have served enough in the state. I have a desire to go somewhere as an ambassador". Father asked him if he was speaking from his heart. Dhar Sahib replied in affirmative. Sadiq Sahib talked to Mrs Gandhi and Dhar Sahib was appointed as Indian ambassador to Soviet Union. When orders were issued, DP Dhar developed cold feet but Mrs. Gandhi did not relent.

Syed Mir Qasim is responsible for sowing the seeds of dissidence in Congress. The other disservice he did was to bring Jamaat Islami in the Legislative Assembly. Our own candidates were got defeated. It was a major tactical mistake. Mr Qasim had argued with Centre that India would be on a better footing if Jamaat Islami countered fundamentalist politics of Pakistan in State Assembly. This was a bizarre logic. Due to this alliance Jamaat cadres in large numbers gained entry into Civil Secretariat and other offices. The problem today is with this administration how can you fight the subversive war. Sadiq Sahib and Qasim Sahib often went for morning stroll together. He would try to convince Qasim Sahib about  Jamaat's politics and policy of liberalisation.

Differences between Sadiq Sahib and Qasim Sahib cropped up when the latter developed ambitions of replacing Sadiq Sahib. I cannot say with certainty which side Mrs Gandhi supported but CPI's threat on the change put her on guard. When dissidents went to meet her in Delhi, she told them, "the question of the change of leadership would be decided inside the Congress Legislature Party and in J&K". Sadiq Sahib also conveyed his unhappiness to Mrs. Gandhi when Plebiscite Front leaders were externed in 1969. He told her, "you did not ask me. Sheikh Abdullah had to come here. I could deal with him here".

KS: Was 1975 Indira-Sheikh Accord a step forward or a step backward. Please Comment?

RS: I don't understand what we gained from it. Militancy emerged only after that. When Plebiscite Front worker, who had been shouting, "Yeh Kashmir Mera Hai, Iska Faisla Hum Karengeh" turned into National Conference worker, there was no change of heart and mind. He continued to believe in old politics. The only difference was that now he was part of the power structure.

Secondly, accord did not strengthen the democratic tradition. It would have been better had there been elections in which NC and Congress would have been the rival contenders. Alternately, Sheikh Abdullah could have joined the Congress and become the leader of Congress Legislature Party. We did not play our cards positively.

KS: What do you think contributed to militancy? How far is NC responsible?

RS: At the local level there are three factors responsible. Patronage to fundamentalist politics by Qasim regime helped Jamaat Islami to spread its political network and make strong inroads into the administration. Secondly, bad governance with corruption, nepotism and favouritism as its main principles, led to widespread resentment among the people. Merit was totally ignored.

Thirdly, National Conference ignored the ongoing subversion. Sheikh Abdullah was a towering personality. As long as he was alive, everything remained hidden. After his death, pro-Pak elements defied the state authorities openly. It is unfair to put the blame on NC for involvement in militancy. Other parties are not saints. All parties are guilty on this score.

KS: Do you have a road map for normalcy in Kashmir? What has been the Centre's role?

RS: I do not see any ray of hope, because the whole political system has collapsed. Corruption has taken deep roots at all levels--administratively, politically and socially. Nobody is interested in serious positive work. There has also been a collapse of ideology. Every government wants to pass time and push the buck to its predecessors. There are quarrels over the berths and portfolios. Politics, which implies service of the people, does not exist anymore. Forums and NGOs have become part of big business and political corruption.

The Centre is equally guilty for the drift in J&K. Whenever we tried to bring home to Central leaders, the dangerous situation that was developing they would ask us to 'give in writing'. Who would like to endanger his personal security? Immediately after 1986 and formation of Muslim United Front, a delegation of State Congress leaders met the Union Home Minister and apprised him about the situation. The Centre had no will to act nor any understanding of the problem. Mr Narsimha Rao, after the expiry of his term as Prime Minister told me, "I was mislead". He did not visit Kashmir valley even once. Central government's interaction remains restricted to state government and few high officials. They have no ears to the ground to know how the common Kashmiri feels about everything.

KS: What are your views on greater autonomy to J&K?

RS: National Conference has been never serious about the autonomy demand. It has no politics and hence relies on these slogans. It has not been able to convince the NDA government of which it is a partner, as to how this demand helps the people of the state. If at all NC is seriously worried about the welfare of Kashmiris, let it come forward and play the role of responsible opposition by articulating the day to day problems of the people. It is simply not bothered.

KS: Who is responsible for Kashmiri Pandits' exodus? How can they be restored back to their homeland? Is the new government really serious about their return?

RS: In the wake of militancy the whole system, which could protect Kashmiri Pandits, broke down. How could they have continued to stay on? On one side they faced threats of militants, while on the other the government was incapable of protecting them. The second factor is that the fundamentalist political indoctrination over the years has created a communal divide, which facilitated the exodus. There were pro-Jamaat elements in political parties and administration. How could this system provide protection to Kashmiri Pandits?

Lastly, I must confess that we did not  play our role as individuals or as political activists. In 1947 at the time of tribal raid we mobilised people with slogans of 'Hamlavar Khabardar, Hum Kashmiri Hai Tayar'. This created confidence among Kashmiri Pandits and made the majority community conscious about its responsibility towards the minority. What has been our contribution this time? We said 'Pandits have left, OK'. Later on some Muslims also had to flee due to the militant threats. No political leader cared about Pandits or the consequences of exodus. Every party abandoned Pandits to their fate.

Kashmiri Pandits cannot return till there is complete restoration of normalcy. Every other day people in the Valley are being singled out and butchered. The yardstick for return of normalcy is when the Chief Minister can visit downtown Srinagar without his commandos and other security.

Return of Kashmiri Pandits at this juncture is not practicable. If at all people have to visit Khir Bhawani and Mattan, you can expand the infrastructure for extended stay during festivals. This return plan lacks sincerity.

Lastly, Pandits' return is not possible unless there is a social rapprochement. Fundamentalist politics has created a social divide. You have also to create stakes for Pandits' return i.e. jobs, restoration of property and business, etc. If you are serious about Kashmiri Pandits' return, then these issues have to be seriously addressed. I can assure you that at the level of common man there is yearning for return of Pandits. Their exodus has created a vacuum. The migration of teachers has caused a tremendous setback to the education system in the Valley. No Kashmiri can forget the contribution of Pt. Sat Pal Razdan in this field. But political activists are not interested. They confine themselves to issuing statements on Pandits' return. I again reiterate what are we contributing in facilitating return of Pandits? There is total collapse of politics, no inner party discussions. You visit the offices of different political parties. Except for the paid staff, you will find no political worker there. At the level of Centre, there is total lack of appreciation about exodus and the return issue.

KS: What is your message to Kashmiris?

RS: The difficult period we are passing through demands that all political activists, students, social activists should come forward to see that J&K comes out of this mess. Persons with clean image have to shoulder the responsibility of leading them.

Pakistan: How Historiography leads to hypocrisy

By P.K. Kothari

History-writing in Pakistan has remained problematic for obvious reasons. Compulsions to undertake the task of historiography under the framework of 'Pakistan ideology' has led to large-scale distortion of facts, non-inclusion of events of historical importance, promotion of hate against India and stereotyping. 'Pakistan ideology' is based on the idea of a separate Muslim nationhood and justifies the partition of India. To master the present, the control of the past is desired. Whenever history is written under the influence of an ideology, its objectivity is sacrificed. Facts are to be manipulated to justify the acts of the political leadership.

As Pakistani society has started reaping the bitter harvest of distorted historiography, an articulate opposition has emerged. It is openly questioning the Pakistan state on its role in disseminating history that is injurious to the society. "The Murder of history' by Professor KK Aziz is a telling indictment of the establishment, involved in writing text-books for Pakistan students. According to Professor KK Aziz What is being taught as history in Pakistani schools and colleges is really national mythology and the subjects of social studies and Pakistan studies are nothing but vehicles of political indoctrination. He adds, "Our children don't learnt history. They are ordered to read a carefully selected collections of falsehoods, fairy tales and plain lies.

Mubarak Ali, a noted scholar and author of "History on Trial" pronounces similar views. He has shown how even reputed Pakistani historians are part of this grand industry involved in distortion of history. He warns, "The disjointed and selected version of history fails to create any historical consciousness among students and the general public. When full facts of historical processes are not recorded, it reduces the power of analysis and society is condemned to repeat the history again and again".

Disowning and Distortions:

Distortion of history needs to be studied at two levels- elite and through text-books. In dealing with the ancient past the Pakistani historian on the basis of two nation theory disowns the pre-Islamic past. Asadullah Bhutto, a Jamaat Islami ideologue once gave a press statement that Mohenja Daro and other archeological remains should be bulldozed.

Pakistani historians seek an Islamic link with the Arab conquest of Sindh. As per them, the conquest of Sindh made Indian Muslims, a part of the Arab empire. This makes them more enchanted with the glories of Damascus, Baghdad, Cairo and Cordoba than with the Indian counterparts of Delhi, Agra or Fatehpur Sikri. They also try to craft Central Asian links. Imagine even a reputed Pakistani archeologist and historian AH Dani says that Pakistan has closer and stronger cultural links with Central Asia than with India.

As the Centre of power of Muslim dynasties was situated in India, the medieval history is reconstructed under the title of history Pak-Hind. Pakistani historians criticise the rule of Muslim dynasties as being un-Islamic. They pronounce that these kings inducted Hindus in their administration and weakened the Islamic character of the state. IH Qureishi, a leading historian and author of, "The Muslim Community of the Indian sub-continent', criticises Akbar for including Hindus as partners and treating them as equals. He argues, "And in the final analysis, if the Muslim were to forget their uniqueness and come to absorb as Akbar did, contradictory tendencies and beliefs from other religions, could the Muslim nation continue to exist as a separate nation? Akbar's policies created danger not only for the Muslim empire but also for the continued existence of the Muslim nation in the subcontinent". Akbar is much maligned in the Pakistani historiography and is completely omitted from the school text-books.

The Jamaat Islami critique of Muslim conquerors is equally harsh. It says they did not do enough for propagation of Islam and plundered wealth of non-Muslims for their personal pleasure. It these kings for lacking passion for Jehad. Zahid Ali Wasti, a Jamaat intellectual remarks that policy Akbar and others followed of marrying Hindu women polluted Muslim culture. He says, "when the Mughal rulers married Hindu women and allowed them to keep their religion, it was disaster. As a result of these marriages, Mughal rulers were born from Hindu mothers". To this is attributed the disintegration of Muslim empire.

Medieval Indian history is not regarded as a part of the Pakistani historiography because the Hindus and the Muslims both shared it. The culture that was produced by both is looked upon as a denial of Muslim separatism.

The treatment of freedom struggle is resolved by shifting the emphasis from "freedom struggle" to "struggle for Pakistan". The creation of Pakistan is regarded as a victory against the Hindus and not against the British.

Regional Histories:

In the case of Punjab, its Sikh period is rejected and downgraded as "Sikha Shahi", which is synonymous with anarchy and disorder. The wars of the Sikhs, which were fought against the British, have no mention in the history books. On the other hand, British conquest of Punjab is hailed as a blessing for the people of Punjab because it delivered them from Sikh rule.

The British gave crushing defeat to Talpur Mirs, the rulers of Sindh in 1843. To minimise the humiliation of the defeat, historians seek to glorify some individuals who fought bravely against the British. Sindh is given credit because its legislative assembly was the first to vote for joining Pakistan. The NWFP is remembered for its resistance to colonial rule but the allegiance of its political leadership to the Congress is condemned. The political leadership and not the people are blamed. On Baluchistan, the resistance of the Kalat state not to accede to Pakistan is not mentioned in the text-books.

Pakistani historiography tries to homogenise the culture, traditions, and social and religious life of the people. Mubarak Ali in his well-researched study "History, Ideology and curriculum", notes, "Any attempt to assert the historical identity of a region is discouraged and condemned. This also affects the non-Muslim religious minorities, who are also excluded from the mainstream of history". This suits the political attempts towards centralisation.

Historiography has also to deal with crisis of legitimacy that confronts Pakistan as a nation and a democracy in the face of unending cycles of military dictatorship, the separation of Bangladeshi, Talibanisation of Pakistan state and society. History text-books became the victims. History as a subject was discontinued in 1961 and was incorporated in the text-books on social sciences.

The Text-Books:

The text-books carry prescribed myths, which suit the proponents of 'Pakistan ideology'. Prof. K.K. Aziz in 'The murder of history', has put enough of hardwork to catalogue the errors. In this study, Prof. Aziz delineates the positive contribution from the negative contribution. What these text-books say is their positive contribution to the sociology of ignorance: the kind of knowledge they are imparting. The negative contribution is what they add to the unlightenment by withholding what should be told to the students. There are several matters of grave import pertaining both to the past and to contemporary times which fail to find mention in the books.

What purpose does such text-book writing serves? Prof Aziz himself explains. "The goal, it seems is to produce a generation with the following traits: docility, inability to ask questions, capacity to indulge in pleasurable illusions, pride in wearing blinkers, willingness to accept guidance from above, alacrity to like and dislike things by order, tendency to ignore gaps in one's knowledge, enjoyment of make-believe, faith in the high value of pretences".

The text-books send the following messages to the students.

1. Follow the government in office: This official attitude produces such amusing oddities as the omission of the name of ZA Bhutto from all books published during General Zia-ul-Haque's rule. Millions of students who went to school during eleven years of Zia's dictatorship did not know what happened in the country between liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 and Zia's coup in 1977. The students are thus brainwashed to accept one particular ruler, whom the book extols, as a hero.

2. Support Military Rule:

Both under Ayub Khan's reign and Zia's rule, the two dictators were described to the students as pious and full of piety. Zia was further shown as God-fearing, kindly man, who brought Islam to the country for the first time, thus fulfilling the promise made by Jinnah during the Pakistan Movement years. While extolling Zia, even certain encomiums showered on him may sound blasphemous.

Several lessons for the students are implicit in this approach of text-books:

National leadership is incompetent, maladroit, inept, undependable and unqualified to rule the country. People who elected or supported the failed politicians are unfit for democracy. The modern democratic system itself is a western importation which finds no sanction in Islam. The armed forces have a supra-constitutional right to overthrow a civilian government whenever they think it is not "performing" its task "satisfact orally", i.e. to the satisfaction of the armed forces.

3. Glorify Wars:

The praetorian state cannot be by its nature an advocate of international peace. The authors of the book glorify wars, particularly the ones waged under military dictators. Implications of this marked emphasis on and special attention to the topic of war are: A tribute is paid to the armed forces, thus reinforcing the message-applaud military rule. Civilian form of government is played down. The emphasis on wars diverts the interest of the students from political problems and prospects to international security. The underlying point in all this is that in moments of national danger the armed forces are the only saviours of the people and the civilian governments and politicians are useless. Also, the 1965 and 1971 wars are presented as victories for Pakistan, which they were not. Prof. Aziz comments, "This creates self-complacency and false self-confidence, which can be dangerous in minds which are still growing".

4. Hate India:

Either to rationalise the glorification of wars or for some other reasons the text-books set out to create among the students a hatred for India and the Hindus, both in the historical context and as a part of current politics. The most common method in which this is done is to offer slanted descriptions of Hindu religion and culture, calling them "unclean" and "inferior". Muslim rule over the Hindus is praised for having put an end to all "bad" Hindu religious beliefs and practices and thus "eliminated" classical Hinduism from India. It is asserted that the communal riots accompanying and following the partition of 1947 were initiated exclusively by the Hindus and the Sikhs and that the Muslims were at no place and time aggressors but merely helpless victims. Generous and undue space is given to study of wars with India. Ground realities are, however, different. The students thus are flabbergasted when they read one thing in the books and see and experience another in life. What impact will this have on students, Prof Aziz answers, "the students are bound to grow up with a love-hate sentiment for India, with a contempt for their elders who claim one thing and do another and with the seeds of hypocrisy sown deep in their character?

5. Fabricate an Anti-Colonial Past?:

The text-books give to Indian history and the Muslim nationalist struggle a complexion whom even the most cunning make-up will not enable to stand a whiff of historical reality. This fantasy is created through several measures of commission and omission. The revolt of 1857 is described as Jihad undertaken by the Muslims alone and later some non-Muslims joined in. The information is withheld that from the time of Shah Abdul Aziz onwards the great majority of the ulema did not issue a fatwa against British rule, and most of the poets and intellectuals from the middle of the eighteenth century till independence supported and admired British authority and culture. No mention is made of British help to various Muslim societies. The long history of Muslim loyalty to British public life is ommitted from all text-books. It is concealed from the students that a large number of eminent Muslims were not in the Muslim League or in the Pakistan movement. As the Congress is usually accepted as an anti-British fiercely nationalistic, self-sacrificing movement, the Muslim League too ought to be shown in a similar garb, hence the urgency to fabricate anti-colonial past.

6. Give the entire credit to Aligarh and the UP and impose a new culture on Pakistan:

Text books trace back to the Aligarh movement every political, social, intellectual, religious and educational development that took place in Muslim India. Textbooks also persist in preaching that UP was the home of Pakistani culture. Excellent critique of text-books on the contribution of Aligarh/UP and UP culture, by Prof Aziz has totally gone unnoticed in India. He says the double claim that the people of the UP were in the forefront of the struggle for the creation of Pakistan and that their culture is the source or foster-mother of Pakistani culture has produced problems of identity for the indigenous population of Pakistan. This has led to the inferiority complex among people of Punjab and other provinces, throttled their culture, languages and literature.

Negative Contribution:

In text-books there is exclusion of Bengal from national consciousness. The other major topics not covered in the text-books include the role of Indian National Congress, the Khudai Khidmatgars, The Punjab Union Party, The Khaksar Movement, The Ahrar Party, The Nationalist or Pro-Congress Muslims, Historiography of India, Theory and Philosophy of History, Economic, Social, Intellectual and Literary History and Modern Islamic Thought.

Hypocrisy:

In 1984, Faiz Ahmed Faiz, the great Urdu poet, used to teach his grandson, reading then in 10th class. After going through the text-books, Faiz asked his grandson to learn the text-book for examination and something different as truth. The grandson turned to Faiz's wife and said, "Mama, I shall have to become a hypocrite. Well Nana says if you want to pass your examination reproduce this book. You have no choice. But I have given you an alternative-the truth, keep that in mind". Then heaving a sigh asked grandmom again, "But what of those who will never have a choice."

Kashmir's Temple of Higher Education

Sri Pratap College

By Dr B.N. Sharga

The British Parliament through a proclamation signed by Queen Victoria took over the administration of India in 1858 from the East India Company. After that to introduce the pattern of English education in this country, the British then established three universities in India at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras which were the three important port cities at that time. The British then placed the whole of north India from Peshawar to Calcutta (Kolkata) under the jurisdiction of the Calcutta University for conducting the examinations and for awarding the degrees.

Prior to this Lamartenier College was established in Lucknow in 1845 as per Will made by Maj. Gen. Clude Martin, a French national for imparting English education. It was affiliated with the Cambridge University, London. The Kashmiri Pandit boys residing in Kashmiri Mohalla at that time generally used to read Urdu and Persian in Maktabs which was the court language then, to get good jobs. The progressive minded Kashmiri Pandit boys like Sheo Narain Bahar and Pran Nath Bazaz then took the lead and joined the Lamartinier College for English education, much against the wishes of the community members. Their craze for the English education can be judged by the fact that they used to go to their college on foot which was at a distance of about 12 kms. from Kashmiri Mohalla. Sheo Narain Bahar also encouraged the other community members towards the English education for better future prospects.

In 1864 Canning College was established in Lucknow which was then affiliated with the Calcutta University. Some Kashmiri Pandit boys with progressive ideas under the guidance and leadership of Pandit Sheo Narain Bahar then joined the Canning College to have European education for better future prospects than having a traditional education in Urdu and Persian language in Maktabs. Pandit Sheo Narain Bahar just to propagate his progressive ideas and thoughts in the field of education and to bring about social reforms in the community started a caste journal in 1872 known as Mursala-e-Kashmir. Through this journal he tried his best to galvanize the community towards English education, especially the young boys of the community, so much so that in 1884 Pt. Bishan Narain Dar left for England to study law with his British Professor of the Canning College Professor Gaul, when sea voyage was considered to be an unpardonable sin by the community members . He came back to India as a barrister in 1887. Such enlightened and educated Kashmiri Pandits then formed a club in Kashmir Mohalla to carry out their ideology effectively especially in the field of education and for bringing certain reforms in the community.

Dr. Annie Besant, an Irish lady came to India in 1893 to study Vedas thoroughly. She became so much fascinated with the Hindu Philosophy and way of life that she formed the Theosophical Society of India in the country for the revival of Hindu nationalism and decided to establish a University in the country for teaching Vedantic philosophy. Her desire fructified in the shape of Central Hindu College which she started in a rented building in Karna Ghanta in Benaras (Varanasi) on 7th July 1898. A managing committee was then formed under Babu Govind Das as its Chairman to run this institution. Dr. Arthur Richardson, a Cambridge University graduate, was then appointed as the first Principal of this college. Babu Upendra Nath Basu who was a member of Syndicate of the Allahabad University, was given the task for the recognition of this college from the Allahabad University, which was done on August 6, 1898.

Dr. Annie Besant approached the then Kashi Naresh, Raja Prabhu Narain Singh and requested him to donate a big piece of land for the expansion of this college. Raja Prabhu Narain Singh very graciously donated a big building and a piece of land in Kamchha for this college to her, where this college was shifted in March 1899.

Dr. Annie Besant made Pt. Suraj Narain Bahadur who was a sub judge and a great educationist as the secretary of her Theosophical Society of India. She used to organise regular meetings of this society at the residence of Pt. Suraj Narain Bahadur in Kashmiri Mohalla, where the other progressive minded Kashmiri Pandits of the locality like Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga, Prof. Chand Narain Bahadur, Pt. Iqbal Narain Gurtu, Pt. Bishan Narain Dar, Pt. Sangam Lal Chak, Pt. Hari Krishna Kaul, Pt. Sri Krishna Tikku etc. who were the products of Canning College, generally used to assemble. The main thrust in such meetings used to be the education of Kashmiri Pandit boys and social reforms in the community.

There was no provision for the higher education in the Kashmir Valley at that time. The Kashmiri Pandit boys  used to go either to Lucknow or to Allahabad for higher studies where the University of Allahabad was established in 1887. This was both expensive and cumbersome. So in one of the meetings of the Theosophical Society it was proposed to open a college at Srinagar for the benefit of those Kashmiri Pandit boys who were keen for higher studies.

Consequently Dr Annie Besant herself with some of her trusted members went to Srinagar to explore the possibilities for establishing a college there. She took a house in Mohalla Bar Bar Shah on rent and started a school in it, duly named as Sir Pratap Singh Hindu School after the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir Riyasat, Maharaja Pratap Singh (1885-1925). Exactly in which year this school was started in Sathu Bar Bar Shah locality is not known.

In 1902 Pt. Brijendra Nath Sharga went to England from Kashmiri Mohalla Lucknow to study law at Lincon's Inn. He met with a tragic road accident in London in 1904. From his death bed he donated Rs 10,000 to Dr Annie Besant for development of the structural facilities for the education of Hindu students in Central Hindu College, Benaras. Consequently Dr Annie Besant built a multipurpose magnificent "Sharga Hall" in the college from that money, so that way the Sharga family came into close contact with Dr Annie Besant. The other products of the Canning College, Lucknow like Pt. Suraj Narain Bahadur a subjudge, barrister Bishan Narain Dar who became a member of the Viceroy's Imperial Legislative Council, Pt. Iqbal Narain Gurtu who became the Vice-Chancellor of the Benaras Hindu University, Pt Hari Krishan Kaul who became a district and sessions Judge, Pt. Sri Krishna Tikku who became a government pleader and Pt. Sangam Lal Chak etc. also actively helped Dr Annie Besant in her mission and donated money most liberally for this great cause.

Dr. Annie Besant then approached Maharaja Pratap Singh the then ruler of Jammu and Kashmir Riyasat around 1903 and requested him to donate a big piece of land so that a new building could be constructed for Sri Pratap Singh Hindu School for its future growth and development, which was functioning more or less as a branch of the Central Hindu College Benaras then. On her request Maharaja Pratap Singh very graciously donated a big chunk of land in Kothi Bagh area near Amira Kadal for this institution and a new building of the college was built there from the liberal donations of the Kashmiri Pandits who were very close to Dr Annie Besant at that time.

This institution from its new premises near Amira Kadal on Maulana Azad Road was formally started functioning as an intermediate college in 1905 and Prof. M.C. Moore an Irish scholar and a graduate of the Cambridge University, London, was appointed by Dr. Annie Besant as its first Principal. The management of this college was then placed under the control of Central Hindu College Trust Benaras, which was affiliated with the Allahabad University at that time. Maharaja Pratap Singh laid the foundation of this college on his birthday. Dr Annie Besant in her thanks giving speech said that "Maharaja had given a long awaited boon to Kashmir and Kashmir would be future Kashi of North Western India."

This college under the dynamic administrative control of Prof. Moore registered a marked development in all the directions, starting with a modest roll of eight students and only six teachers on its staff. Prof. Moore left this institution in 1908.

Dr. Annie Besant then appointed another British Prof. E. William Collie as the Principal of this college, but unfortunately he died a tragic death in a fire accident while staying in a house boat in Dal Lake. Prof. Vanmali Chakarborty a Bengali fellow was then asked by Dr. Annie Besant to take charge of this institution who functioned as Principal upto 1909.

Dr. Annie Besant later Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga who was an established authority on Hindu Philosophy with a vast teaching experience at the Bareilly College and Pt. Chand Narain Bahadur another product of Canning College, Lucknow to shoulder her responsibilities in a missionary spirit in the interest of the community to give a new direction to her work in the field of higher education in the Valley. Consequently Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga became the Principal of Sri Pratap Singh Hindu College in 1909 and Pt. Chand Narain Bahadur was made the Professor of English in the same institution by Dr Annie Besant.

The society in Kashmir in general at that time used to be highly orthodox and superstitious. To remove the segregation between the Pandit and Muslim boys Prof. I.K. Sharga introduced the common tea club system in the college premises for their free mixing with each other without any inhibitions and preconceived notions. He used to subsidise this tea club from his own income. To tone up the over all academic excellence of the college he introduced the monthly examination system. Due to Prof. Sharga's untiring efforts this institution saw a rapid growth in every field and became a degree college in 1911.Right from its inception in 1905 it was affiliated with the Allahabad University. Even the intermediate examination at that time known as F.A. was being conducted by the University. The Benaras Hindu University was established by Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya much later in 1916. Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga also started the new tradition of celebrating the spring festival (Navreh), the new year of Kashmiri Pandits on a grand scale in the college premises.

The British government then became alarmed with all these developments and the growing influence of Dr. Annie Besant in the Valley, who was a very strong votary for granting freedom to this country and was actively working for the revival of Hindu nationalism through Vedantic teachings. It was not to the liking of the British government.

The then secretary of States wrote a note on the file observing thus "Mrs. Besant's influence is bound to have political consequences and her religious teaching certainly tends and I believe is deliberately meant; to promote the idea of an Indian nation, which is spreading gradually and which in course of time many assume a form adverse to the British rule."

The then foreign secretary concurring with this view noted "that it was very desirable that the British Residence in Jammu and Kashmir through the Darbar should have a proper control over such teaching schools in the Valley for deciding their policies and programmes". Under this policy the British then shot a letter to Maharaja Pratap Singh to take over the management of this college.

As a result of all these behind the curtain activities of the British, the management of this college gradually passed into the hands of the Darbar leading ultimately to its complete takeover in July 1912 by the Jammu and Kashmir government. To give it a so-called "secular" look the word "Hindu" was dropped from its name and it was rechristened as "Sri Pratap College". It was then affiliated with the Punjab University of Lahore. There were in all 74 students at the time of its take over on the college rolls. Of these 15 were in the degree classes and 59 in FA classes.

The Board of Trustees of the Central Hindu College, Benaras authorised Dr. Annie Besant to handover the college premises to the government of Jammu and Kashmir on receipt of Rs 20,000 in consideration of the cost of the building and furniture etc. erected and supplied by them out of the donations raised by them. On the birth day of Maharaja Pratap Singh in July 1912 it was formally taken over by the state government.

For the further development of this only prestigious institution of higher education in the Valley at that time four new posts of Professors were created to appoint more qualified and efficient men. Upto 1913 it became a post graduate college with MA classes in Philosophy, English and Mathematics. Though Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga was simply a BA but he used to teach both Philosophy and English to MA students with great authority, ably assisted by another product of Canning College, Lucknow Prof. Chand Narain Bahadur.

In 1915 and in 1916 the regular MA classes in Sanskrit language and in history were started respectively. The teaching of the science subjects, upto the intermediate level also started almost simultaneously. The college started publishing its own literary magazine "Pratap" in 1916. A professor of the college was then sent to Lahore to learn the work of library management under Mr. Dickinson, an American expert who was engaged by the Punjab University to train the people in the field of library science.

In 1918 the then Viceroy and Governor General of India Lord Chelms ford paid a visit to this college to inaugurate its newly constructed science block. Prof. Iqbal Krishna Sharga who was appointed by Dr Annie Besant as the Principal of this college retired in 1921 after attaining the age of superannuation. After that the state government of Jammu and Kashmir Riyasat appointed Prof. Lawrence Marcdermat, a British scholar as the Principal of this college. He continued on this post upto 1931. During his tenure additional blocks were added to provide proper teaching facilities to more number of students as their strength was increasing every year. For this purpose Rs 22,759 were sanctioned by the state council for higher education on August 25, 1924. For further expansion of the college to meet the growing needs of the students Wazir Buildings adjacent to the college were taken on rent on Rs 100 per month to provide hostel accommodation for the outstation students. To properly maintain the accounts of the college the post of an Accountant and Cashier were added in the college office.

The college then made a rapid progress during the tenure of Maulvi Ibrahim, who took over the charge of Principal of this institution from Prof. Kanji Lal in 1931. During his tenure the science classes at the degree level were started.

In order to cope with the unprecedented increase in the number of students and to maintain high academic standards the Darbar then appointed a committee under the Chairman of Director of Education to thoroughly study the working of the college and to suggest necessary steps which should be taken to tone up the efficiency of the college and to divert the students to other suitable channels. This committee had the privilege to have members like Dr. Zakir Hussain, who was the Principal of Jamia Millia Islamic, Delhi at that time and Prof. G.D. Sondhi, who was the Principal of Government College Lahore. On their recommendations the bifurcation of the college into Sri Pratap Intermediate College and Amar Singh Degree College was carried out on September 1, 1942.

When the country was partitioned in 1947 Prof. R.C. Pandita was the Principal of this college. Since then Sri Pratap College has gone through a revolutionary change. Now it is purely a science college affiliated with the Kashmiri University spread in an area of 6,42000 sq. feet i.e. roughly 116 kanals. The college has 11 teaching departments with a strength of 75 faculty members and 87 members of the non teaching staff. The college has well equipped science laboratories and a library with about 65,000 books on its shelves. There are 12 buildings in its campus, housing various departments and offices. Dr S.G. Sarwar is the present Principal of this college who is taking great pains in maintaining the academic excellence of this institution for which it was famous once all over the Valley.

The Kashmiri Pandits under the patronage of Dr. Annie Besant nurtured this magnificent edifice with their sweat and blood in its formative years with a missionary zeal to spread the message of light and learning in the entire Valley. It symbolises their proud cultural heritage and represents not only their farsighted vision but also their valuable contribution for improving the prospects of the future generations by guiding their destiny for all times to come.

"Sachchai chhup nahi sakti

Kabhi jhote usoolon se,

Ki khushboo aa nahin sakti

Kabhi kagaz ke phoolon se".

Encroachment of Pandit Land- Will Mufti Govt: Act?

By Special Correspondent

Kashmiri Pandits were not only physically forced out of their homeland but their immovable and movable properties were not even spared. The left out movable property was looted, houses burnt, destroyed or occupied and land and orchards encroached. What is more intriguing is the fact that inspite of enacting a law "The Jammu and Kashmir Migrant Immovable Property (Preservation, Protection and Restraint on Distress Sale) Act, 1997". to stop distress sale and appoint Deputy Commissioners as custodians of migrant property, no action was initiated by the administration in this regard. There are enough evidences where Kashmiri Pandits complained about illegal occupations or encroachments but the administration did not take any action to undo these illegal occupations and encroachments not to speak of initiating any action against the encroachers.

As government did not take any action, more and more unscrupulous elements were encouraged to lay their hand on Pandits' properties and the trend continued even after enacting the law in 1997.

In this particular case, the land was encroached after enacting the law and no action has been taken by the administration till date. Shankarpora village in Chadura tehsil of Budgam district is in close vicinity of Srinagar city. Due to expansion of Srinagar city, the market value of land property has increased manifold and Pandits' land has become target of land grabbers and miscreants. Kundan Lal Koul, Kashi  Nath Koul, Makhan Lal Koul, Bansi Lal Koul and Jawahar Lal Koul sons of late Gopinath Koul of Shankarpora are exclusive owners of an Orchard measuring more than 30 kanals under the Survey No: 43 min in the village. One, Ghulam Hassan Aram, alias Waza purchased some land from Mohd. Maqbool Magray adjacent to the Kouls' orchard. In the garb of same purchase, Mr. Waza has encroached upon the Orchard and has even blocked the entrance to the Orchard.

The Kouls approached chief secretary J&K Government through a legal notice on 13/10/2002 requesting to take legal action and Undo the encroachment. Copies of the notice were sent to Divisional Commissioner Srinagar, DC Budgam, SSP Budgam for action and even a copy was sent to the illegal occupant.

The aggrieved party again reminded the said officials on 20/11/2000. Surprisingly no action has been initiated till date though the Pandits continued to knock the doors of the administration. Mr Waza is proprietor of Oriental Hotel, Srinagar and as such enjoys clout in the administration. "Mr Waza is even threatening those Muslim villagers who are opposed to this encroachment by implicating them in false cases", says Kundan Lal Koul, one of the share holders of the Orchard.

Encroachment has been employed as a modus operandi by the miscreants to force distress sale of Pandits property. Once the land is encroached and no hope of any action by biased administration, Pandits are forced to sell the property at throw away prices. In this case also, the motive may be same as Mr. Waza is reportedly interested in developing land into a residential colony.

Kouls who could not get any relief from previous government, approached Revenue Minister (now portfolios changed) Mr Ghulam Hassan Mir of new coalition government. Mr Mir marked the case for DC Budgam to treat the matter urgent and solve the problem and assured Pandits of Justice. It is now to be seen whether the new government takes any action in this particular case and many more such cases or keeps crying like predecessors without giving any relief to Pandits in case of illegal occupations and encroachments.

Aftermath of Kashmiri Pandit's Exodus

By Prof. Omkar Nath Raina

The Valley of Kashmir that is well known for its beauty and splendour has attracted thousands of pilgrims since times immovable. This enchanting place is said to be the land of Gods. People belonging to different religious came here and carried with them the immense wealth of spiritual knowledge. Religion has never been a barrier between the people of Kashmir, because wise men of Kashmir propagated universal brotherhood, mutual love and equality between men and man, regardless of caste, creed and nationality.

It is unfortunately eventuality that Hindus and Muslims living in perfect harmony and emity in a land which was known as paradise on earth and paradoxically choose to confront one another on the basis of communal angle. The reasons are not far to seek. There have been certain fauxpas which have led to misplaced animosity for the Govt. of India and this was coloured as animity on the communal lives. Even though Muslims out-numbered Hindus in Kmr. yet surprisingly unlike the situation in other parts of India we lived in a spirit of comadarie all along. The turns and twists came in the post. Independence period. If we have a dig to the past we may be able to bring to the surface certain mistakes committed both in the area of politics and certain socio-economic reasons and in these we need no go at length. The dye is cast. The present unfortunate happening has taken a very ugly turn which could largely be attributed to the two nation theory of Pakistan. The Provocation as given by the Pakistan to India solely on the basis of communal lives is the greatest factor which has swayed the Kashmiri Muslim youth to take up arms and get training across the border. The whole matter as it has boiled down to stands that the recalcitrant Muslim youth of Kmr. are hell bent upon to create trouble both for India as well as Kashmiri Hindus, resulting in the exodus of the Hindus from that place; together with those of the Muslims but mostly business people to small number who choose to remain away from Kashmir and settle mostly at Jammu and Delhi.

The Kashmir who ran for their security and life away from Kashmir have mostly rural background. These people have their own sub cultures which initially made them very difficult to adjust in urban areas outside Kmr. Now that they are away from their homes for almost twelve years. The exodus of these rural people have created problems for the urban people and it is becoming increasingly difficult for these rural people to get fully submerged economically, socially and culturally with the people of the urban area particularly Jammu per force these rural people could not stick at one place had to move out from Jammu to places like Delhi and other metropolitan cities, when it become all the more difficult from them to coup up with the rush and race of such bigger cities. Thus they are at a loss to accommodate themselves to find a way out. Thee is one more factor which has aggravated their uneasiness because they happen to be lesser qualified as compared to those Kashmiri Hindus who have moved out from towns and cities in Kashmir like Srinagar, Anantnag, Baramulla.

In Jammu new problems have surfaced as a reuslt of this exodus to Jammu. Certain problems cropped up, for instance house accommodation, the problem of earning a livelihood, social problems--finding a suitable match for their daughters and very important one being changing of food habits and climatic conditions. All these pressed them down and they began to feel uneasy. Jammu being holter as compared to Kmr. they had to face the sweltering heat of Jammu in Summer season which they could not with stand and had to face the ailment like stoke, malaria and allied problems of health. In this way they have become unadjustable and now-a-days are in deep sea devel. The other side of this picture is people of Jammu have been strained to the utmost. The rental value of the houses have considerably increased.

Vegetables have become dearer. Mutual adjustibility of Kashmiri and Dogras have started to come out from the scams which has taken shape of bekrings and sometimes it takes the shape of squabbles. This has become isole for the administration in Jammu.

 Now the Dogras of the Jammu have started feeling uneasy because of the rising price of daily consumptional commodities Kashmiri are also becoming uneasy and wish to return back to their homes and hearths. It is not that some crumps have been thrown by the government in the form of financial relief which is grossly inadequate. Living in the camps as against in their own decent homes have aggravated the problem. Anxiety is but large on their faces. They are never happy and could not adjust to the changing scenario, but the gun-toting militants of Kmr. keeps them away from returning to homes.

These migrants though they are not happy where they have migrated yet they have started to take up alternate jobs in Jammu and elsewhere. They are now thinking in terms of constructing their own houses largely in Jammu and getting absorbed culturally, economically and socially with the people in Jammu willy-nilly.

The future of these Kashmiri Pandits appears to be bleak. They have lost their identity in the mading Crowd outside Kashmir but what mostly aches them is the future of their children who are in a very bad shape. These Kashmir do not have very good purse to set their wards on the right track. Because normally all Kashmiri Pandits believe largely in good education of their children for which money is wanting and this pains them. Kashmiri Pandits have to have lesser degree engaged themselves in business. They have always believed in good education whether academic or technical and drained out their every source of income in this cause. This is a position which they have not been able to reconcile with. Thus they are psychologically depressed, economically in a bad shape and culturally not being able to accommodate themselves.

In Jammu itself this migration has brought a train of difficulties for themselves as well as their hoasts. It has been observed that their coming to Jammu has created problems like pollution, unhygienic living, a non-availability of jobs and no supportive finance to give a new lease of life to their business. Among themselves the Kashmiri as migrants having become irritative have landed themselves into a blind alley. They cannot themselves determine their own course. They are in two minds-first they would like to return to their homes of their birth and second not to go there as they are conscious of the fact that the days of amity and friendliness in Kashmir Hindus vis-a-vis Kashmiri Pandits could never be retrieved as the condition stand today, only a miracle could save them.

There is a brighter side of this picture. Mostly Jammu was semi-urban area. With the incoming of these migrants Jammu people have earned a good future for themselves. If the monthly rental value of a room was previously Rs 500 a month, new this has catapulated to 1000-1500 or even move. To meet the needs of Kashmiri Pandits the economic activities of Jammuites have considerably increased. New building have come up, new establishments like shops, schools, transport activities and earning from these have increased the fortune of Jammu people. The value of real estate has short up manifold, adding the their income and enabling them to live better and learn considerably from the mutual contact with the Kashmiri. The whole of Jammu is bustling with people found on roads, in buses, in shopping places, at ration ships and daity need centres. All these things have enriched the life of Jammuites. Even though the prices of all the eating commodities have gone up both for the Kashmiri and Jammuites. This rising in the value of daily needs has lost its bite because the additional income they have accrued from their rising the price of rental value and transport and other things. Jammu has turned into a big city unlike it was in older days. Govt. is not able to control the uncontrolled expansion as it is happening in other cities of India.

Lolab Valley: Shrines and Legends

By. Dr. Ramesh Kumar

Lolab, one of the most beautiful valleys of Kashmir, is located to the north-east of Srinagar. This valley, 15 miles long and 3 miles wide, is traversed by stream Lahwal, which flows down from the surrounding hills. Lolab has many pasture lands and a rich forest cover. Presently, it forms a part of Kupwara district. Locals call it Lolab. In  Lok Prakasha, it is mentioned as Lulavaka, Pandit Sahib Ram in his Tirathasamgrapha, calls it Laulaha.

Lolah has three valleys: Kalaroos valley, Potnai valley and the Brunai valley. Enchanting Nagmarg meadows separate Lolab from Bandipore. Sogam is the headquarters of Lolab region. In ancient times Sogam was ruled by a Kotraja and had over hundred villages under its jurisdiction. As per a legend, popular in Lolab, Sogam was so densely populated that a sheep, which climbed the roof of one house, situated at one end of the village, could reach the other end (Zaipora) without having to come down in between. During the rule of chaks, Sogam extended from Kralmiyach to Wovura. The Chak king stayed at Tangchak, near Aramurang. Kalhana refers to a King, who founded town of Lolora (Lolav) and "constructed eighty four lakhs of stone-buildings". There are also references to Damaras of Kamraj, who dug up force in Lolav to avert certain defeat.

Lolab: A huge lake:

At the time when Kashmir was Satisar, Lolab too formed a part of the huge lake. There are legends which link Lolab with Kashyap Rishi. In the Rangvor forest, one Km. from the village Lalpur, is located samadhi of the legendary Kashyap rishi. Presently it is indistinguishable. No one can visit this place after having taken meat. In 1967, a villager had slaughtered a bull. 2-3 days later there was a terrible hail storm, as never seen before. Hail was as big as a piece of stone and looked like glass. The standing maize crops were destroyed in the entire south Lolab region. To this day people remember this calamitous event. Villagers bring yellow rice (Tahar) to samadhi and pray for prosperity.

The legendary account credits mythical Raza Loh for draining the waters and inviting people to settle down. The water got drained through Goose side. King Loh is believed to be a Gujrati. To get rid of a curse, the king had been busy doing 'tapasya' for twelve years in a meadow in Lolab. Razdans of Razdan Kocha, Banamohalla, Srinagar are believed to be the descendants of King Loh.

Every year the shepherds would bring their flocks of cattle to the meadows in Lolab. At the end of the season either a shepherd or a cattle would go missing. Many seasons later, one day the shepherds saw smoke rising from a place in the forest. A voice emanating from this place called them. Thinking that this could be the calling of some devil, the shepherds ignored the call. When the calls persisted, the shepherds went to the place from where the smoke was rising. They were face to face with Raja Loh. The shepherds narrated their tale of woe. Raja told them hence forth neither any of the shepherds nor their cattle would go missing. He also implored them to come to stay permanently in Lolab. He told them on the day of Shivratri they should reach Harvan Bal (Lord Shiva’s hill) and look for the smoke near the Kutiya. In case smoke was present, they should presume the Raja was alive. Shepherds belonged to Sopore and Zainagar.

Lav Nag:

Another legend refers to the discord between King Loh and Kashyap Rishi. Once Raja decided to perform a havan and called Kashyap Rishi as the brahmin. As Kashyap Rishi blew the conch-shell, Raja shouted ‘aavhan’. Kashyap Rishi shouted back ‘Visarjan’. Raja Loh protested strongly. The rishi told him, ‘It is my right to perform havan. How dare you do it’. Havan remained inconclusive.

The place where havan was performed there is a spring, named Lohnag or Lavnag, one km from Kashyap Rishi’s samadhi. This beautiful spring with crystal-clear water is shaped like a Pranali and is three-feet deep. Water comes out from the western end of the spring. The spring is 10 ft x 10ft in dimensions.

Lavnag has remained historically important, Gulab Singh soon after conquering Kashmir visited it. He sanctioned a land grant of 113 canals for the upkeep of spring. His pet pujari, Pt. Gash Bhat, grand father of late Prasad Bhat was in his company when the Dogra King visited the place. Shav Ratangeer, an ascetic, who used to stay at Durganag temple, came to Lav Nag and stayed at this place for 18 long years.

There is no specific day for puja at this historic spring. On the western side of the spring is a Chinar with four branches, Chakrabooni. It is a very old Chinar. Recently the Chinar was burnt. The platform around the spring has been cemented and the spring connected to a water reservoir.

Gauri Spring:

In the vicinity, is another spring called, Gauirshari Nag, dedicated to goddess Gauri. This spring is small, round in shape and believed to be the resting place of the goddess, who had come to attend the havan performed by Raja Loh.

A number of shrines in the form of springs dot the entire Lolab area. Famous among these are;

Thanin, a spring dedicated to Vishnu is located in the Kalaroos valley. It is 11x11ft and its depth is five feet. Harinag spring is found in Varnav, near Sewer.

There are two springs in Krusen, a place founded by Raja Karn. It is a place some distance from Maidanpora. The two springs are dedicated to Lord Shiva and goddess Parvati. There is a shivling in Siva's spring. The spring dedicated to goddess Parvati is bottomless. Ladies are forbidden to visit this spring. Lavalnag is another spring near Divar and is four miles from Lohnag spring (Lalpur).

In Chandigam, the village named after goddess Chandi, there are three holy springs. The original Chandinag spring is spread over an area of 1½ canals in the forest. It is filled up now and has turned into a swamp. Before 1947, when a little excavation was carried out here, earthern lamps, small items, pottery associated with rituals were found, confirming the antiquity of the place. Locals call this place as Kanzpov. Digging also confirmed that springs lie underneath. Presently little water comes from the sides of the swamp. Decades back Pt. Balbadar Bujoo was a tehsildar here. His wife had gone to fetch some water. Her arm got stuck up in the mud.

The other spring in Chandigam is Kumarji's Nag. It lies in Gujar basti, the people who originally hail from Abottabad. The spring is situated on an elevated area near Dak bungalow. This is under the control of PHE department. It is 7ft x7ft in dimensions. The water is clean and cold and five feet deep. Water remains full throughout the year. The stones forming the upper masonary are intact. The boundaries of the spring are fenced. Ladies  are not allowed to visit the spring. A big stone lining the spring cracked soon after the visit of a lady. And the water rushed out. The old stones (sam) lining the spring are 2½ ft long and well-polished. There is no fish in the spring. Viceroy of India visited this spring when Pt. Bujoo was tehsildar. Swami Lalji, a famous sadhu from outside often visited this spring to conduct puja. His disciples included Pt. Arzan boya, Swami NandlalJi, Pt. Shivjee Bagati and Pt. Ramchand 'Goban'. Pandits of Lolab visited this historic spring on Amavasiya and Puranmashi days.

There are two more springs in Chandigam. One is called Pir Nag spring of Chandibaba. The spring derives its name from the locality of Pirs. Otherwise it is known as Niranjan Akhara. The spring is lined by big old stones (sam), four in number. Throughout the year, the spring remains full of water, which is crystal-clear. The spring is shaped like a Pranali. Chandi Baba came here in 1956 and changed its shape. The other spring is Nahgee, adjacent to Mirsar. It is a small spring. Before exodus Pandits used to offer Kheer here.

Half a km. to the east of Nahgee spring is Bren Sahr. There is a bren (alm) tree and little water near it. As per local belief, the place is full of snakes. Children would not play here, nor the villagers would venutre out late at night. Evil sprits would haunt a person, who would commit desecration.

Sogam Springs:

Nilakanth Spring is 15ftx15ft. Old stones line its walls. Water is crystal clear and spring is 4½ feet deep. There are no fish in the spring. It is known as Nagbal. As per local belief Lord Shiva used to sit here. The spring is guarded by a hooded snake, yellow in colour. Elderly villagers of Sogam claim to have seen the snake. If the snake is not disturbed, it does not cause any harm. Pandits of Sogam used to take yellow rice, Tahar or Satyideev on every Purnmashi day. In case there were no rains, Pandits and Muslims of the village would offer niyaz together.

There are also a number of kunds named after Ram, Sita, Lakshman and Hanuman. Ram and Sita Kunds are linked together and the water collected serves as water supply to the village. A part of the area has been encroached upon.

Gangabug Spring is dedicated to goddess Ganga. In shape the spring resembles Omkar. The spring is believed to be the abode of mother Ganges. It is 5½ ft deep. Special occasion for Puja is Gangashtmi or Sardashtmi day. On this day Pandit Arzan  Bayu would clean the spring. The cleaning process, as per convention, was to be carried out only by Pandits. After the spring was cleaned, Pandits of Sogam would bring Kheer and Satyideev and conduct puja, Prehpiyun. Gangabug spring is located in Peer mohalla.

Dardnag (Durganag) spring is 8ftx10ft and three feet deep. It has clear water. Pandits would take Kheer here on Durgashtmi and Jyethashtmi day.

Ganesh Nag springs are two in number. One of these is 10ftx10 ft and 4½ ft deep. The other one is 14ftx10ft and 5ft deep. Both the springs are lined by polished old stones. The branch of a big bren (alm) tree,  hangs down to cover the spring like the trunk of an elephant. (hsihkara). The branch is 10-15 ft long and has a Ganesh idol in it. There is another spring outside, the water of which is used for washing purposes. Around the spring is a Ganesh temple, the roof of which was damaged in 1947. Pandits used to perform havan on Ganachodah day and offer 'Bread' (Choht). It has been reported that of late during the evenings a lamp, chong is seen burning here.

Other Shrines:

In Sogam there is a place called Sardikul. Here in the hollow of a walnut tree there is a very old idol of goddess Sarda. Its dimensions are 2ftx1½ft with height 1½ft. There is an old stone here, which carries the imprint of goddess Sarda. It is believed that the goddess halted here during her journey to Sardi, the place where massive temple stands today. Around the walnut tree stands erected a temple.

The Ishtadevi of Ramchand Goban's family was originally 'Zala goddess. One day Ram Chand's mother, then a girl of fourteen years, happened to pass by. She saw goddess Sarda sitting in the hollow of a walnut tree. She bowed before the goddess. The latter asked her what she wished. Ramchand's mother said she desired a child. The goddess told her in that case the child should worship Sarda as Ishtadevi. After nine months Ramchand was born. All other uncles of Ramchand have Zala as Ishtadevi, while Sarda is Ishtadevi of Ramchand's family.

Mata Hari asthapan is located in a forest in Sewer village. A small rivulet which emanates from the forest forms a spring, 8ftx8ft. The spring is square in shape with a very old Shivling and few idols in it. Pandits of Sewer used to go every morning, have bath and would then apply tilak of white clay found there. At eastern end of Sewer village on a Karewa is a place called Haran, derived from Hari. There is no habitation there. After the harvest, Pandits would prepare yellow rice from new paddy and take it to Hari Ashthapan.

Naranag, in Sewer, has three kunds with idols in these. Water comes from under the idols. The idols were broken during the turbulence of 1947. Naranag is situated one km away from Sewer on way to Vernav in Chak village, in Tantrey mohalla. It is believed any desecration invites trouble. A person had slaughtered a cock. He turned blind and was afflicted with leprosy. None from his family survived. The deserted house of this family is a perpetual remainder of the strong Vaishnav character of this spring. Pandits would visit this spring on ashtmi and purnima days.

Amarnath cave, called by locals as Ambriyun is located on a hill, towards Vernav, two kms from Sewer. The cave is 15 ft. down and requires the use of a special staircase, or Kengur. One has to find way through stone debris. Because of debris, the other end cannot be reached. As per local tradition, this cave is older than Amarnath, located in Pahalgam Himalayas.

‘Raaz Kath’ Tradition:

There are a number of asthapans near Dardnag nullah adjacent to Saridkul. ‘Raazkath’ ritual is also performed here. ‘Raaz Sahib’ or Nandkeshwar of Sogam has come to Sogam with Bal Sogami, the ancestor of late Lakshman and Kailash Reshi. This family was appointed custodians of Ganesh nag by Maharaja Pratap Singh with Rs three as pay per month. They also looked after Puja here.

As per legend, Bal Sogami belonged to Sogam and was a patwari by profession. He had to visit the headquarters at Srinagar of and on. Patwaris of Kamraz would go together to Srinagar by boat from Sopore. Once Sogami missed the boat when he reached late in the evening. He proceeded on foot. It was dark when he reached Noorbag. He saw a fire lit there and sat down to warm himself up. There was also a sadhu,  who was roasting meat and eating it. He also offered a piece to Sogami. The latter would take it but would not eat. He kept it in his pheran pocket. The sadhu asked him if he had taken the meat. Sogami said in affirmative. The sadhu asked him to give that back. He obeyed. Astonished, the sadhu asked him, ‘you have remained hungry’. He added, “I will sleep now. Put this white sheet (Kapar Chadar) over me.”.

Bal Sogami put the sheet over sadhu. The sheet failed to cover his whole body. Sometimes his legs would lengthen and at other times his head. Sogami then decided to cut the portion of the body not covered by sheet, with knife he was carrying with him. Sadhu asked, “what the hell you are doing". Sogami replied, "sometimes you are elongating your head and sometimes your legs. I will cut the portion not covered by the sheet".

This impressed the sadhu that Sogami was a strong-willed person and spiritually elevated too. He entered into discussions with Sogami. He handed Sogami a twig of a mulberry tree, Tulmoor. Sadhu further instructed him, “when you reach home, next morning at sunrise a crow on the branch of a tree will crow. At that, you plant the ‘Tulmoor’ from the opposite (tihri) side. I will come there”.

Next morning, when Sogami was preparing to leave for Sopore, Sadhu (Raaz Sahib) asked him to close his eyes and stand on his wooden sandal, khrav. Sadhu instructed him to open his eyes only when he ordered. After fifteen minutes the wooden sandal had disappeared and Sogami was standing at the Reshipeer temple ghat, Yarbal, Sopore. There is a nine-feet Shivling here in the temple. The other patwaris who went by boat reached only by noon.

Sogami planted the Tulmoor as instructed by sadhu at Nandkeshwar. Today this Tulmoor has grown into a big tree with branches on all sides. There are throny bushes, Zand all around. Sogami clan had to sacrifice one sheep every year in the month of Poh. The day chosen is Tuesday or Saturday. The skin of the sheep is hung on the mulberry tree. Feet (patchi) and head (Kalheer) are also mixed because it is Bhairav Buzan. No turmeric or masala is added. The meat is prepared at home in the afternoon and later brought to place, where Tulmoor was planted. Puja is done. As per tradition meat prepared is to be taken in clay plates, Takus. In Sogam even for one-day old children Bhog is kept. Only earthern utensils are used for cooking. It is cooked in wok, leij. In Sogam people are allowed to take home the prasad, navid. Ladies are not allowed to go to Nand Keshwar. Only unmarried girls below ten years of age can visit Raaz Sahib.

It is said Raaz Saab was so kind to Sogami’s family that they did not have to purchase rations for twelve years. Every morning the lady of the house would take out from earthern drum, mati the rations to be cooked for the day. One day the secret was divulged by the daughter-in-law of the family. The divine kindness evaporated. As per Sogam Pandits, the similar benevolence had been bestowed by Sardamata on Ram Chand ‘Gobans’ family. His mother used to take out rations from the store, Kuchi everymorning for ten long years. The rations never finished.

Recently, an armyman during patrolling might have committed some descration near Raaz Saab’. He turned mad. Ganai, an old wise man of the village suggested to the army that they should offer a sheep to ‘Raaz Saab’. The armyman was cured. It has been reported that few Muslim families have also offered sheep to Raaz Sahib during these turbulent days.

*The author is a keen researcher on Kashmir's cultural tradition.

Web of corruption in J&K

By David Devadas

Some weeks before the elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, a government employed doctor told me his chief reason for wanting to see the Farooq Abdullah government defeated was corruption. “It has crossed all bounds”, said he earnestly, pointing to a recent scandal in his own department.