March 2003 Issue

Upanayana or Yugnopavit

Yugnopavitam paramum pavitram 

prajapateyrth sahjam purastat

ayusham agrim pratimoincha shuibrem

yugnopavitam balam astu tejah

By Pushkarnath Nehru

1. What is Upanayana?

Upanayana is one of the most important SAMASKARAS  (symbolic events) in the life of the child.

In the ancient times a child was initiated into the pursuit of secular knowledge (like astronomy, mathematics, metaphysics, logic, medicine and other vedic literature) as well as into the realm of spiritual development by putting him on the task of learning and practicing such disciplines by way of his parents handing him over to a Guru for the purpose of learning and practicing them under his guidance. But eventually this institution became out of vogue due to the socio-economic changes. The Upanayan ceremony is now restricted to and revolves around the investiture of the sacred thread or the ‘yugnapavit’ and the teaching of Gayatri Mantra to the child.

By virtue of the performance of the Upanayana ceremony, which connotes the taking of the charge of the student by the teacher, the student is supposed to have second birth (Dvija) in the world of knowledge through education. This is done after staging symbolically all the previous events (Samaskaras) right from his or her birth. In the Vedic birth of the student, symbolised by wearing the “girdle” and the sacred thread, Savitri becomes the mother and Guru the father.

2. What is Yugnopavit (sacred thread) ceremony?

This initiation of a student by the teacher, entailed various functions, such as selection of Guru, auspicious time, preparation, wearing of garments, the girdle, the sacred thread (“Yugnopavit”), presenting of deer skin, the staff, Savitri Mantra, sacred fire (agnihotra) and alms etc. Later on when the conception of Upanayana underwent a change in the course of time, the mere initiation of the child by the teacher became a sacred lore. The original idea of initiation for education got overshadowed by the mystic significance of Upanayana which lead to the idea of second birth (dvija) through the Gayatri Mantra. The initiation, which marked the taking over of the charge of the student by the Guru, revolved around the establishment of connection between the student and Savitri (through the Gayatri Mantra) performed by the Guru and his teaching of this mantra.

The Upanayana in the present form is the investiture of the sacred thread (“Yugnopavit”) on the child which involves the initiation and symbolically staging all the said Samaskaras. The most important part of this ceremony is the wearing of the sacred thread and the accompaniment of the recitation and teaching of the Gayatri (Savitri) Mantra which is one prayer that is the crux of the whole vedic wisdom.

The wearer of this thread is supposed to be constantly reminded of his commitment to the secular and spiritual goals which he has set upon himself on this solemn occasion. That this life may not pass away just in unconscious striving but become a means of the expansion of our ‘being’; That it may provide a view of one’s self and the world without being in conflict with the action that comes by ; That life, even at its worst, may still provide us a source of sharing the joyousness of our existence; This is the greatest art of life, which comes, not through wanton experimentation, but through prayer and humility alone and through that the divine grace.

Abiding by the secular obligations towards his Guru, his family and the society are some of the definitive prescriptions that cannot be separated from his spiritual goals. Firstly the sacred thread has three folds which represents the trinity of existence symbolizing the three worlds; Earth, Space and the Heaven or Brahma (the unfolding of the world and this life), Vishnu (the sustenance) and Mahesh (the re-absorption). The central knot of the sacred thread and tying together of the three strands, represents Parambrahma (the supreme expansion of consciousness) into which all the three ‘tattvas’ (aspects of Godhead) such as Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh merge. This knot is known as ‘Brahmagranthi’. The three cords remind the wearer that he has to pay the three debts he owes to the ancient seers (rishis), the ancestors (pitras) and the Devatas and that his consciousness has to expand into all the three worlds. The threads are doubled at the time of marriage signifying the additional sacramental obligations towards his consort.

3. Gayatri Mantra (also called Savitri)

The focal point of the whole Upanayana ceremony is the recitation of the Gayatri Mantra and teaching its essence to the initiated. The mantra is considered to be the most sacred and according to Manu ‘there is nothing more exalted than the Gayatri’.

Om tat savitur varenyam

bhargo devasya dhimahi

dhiyo yo nah pracodayat

This original ‘Gayatri Mantra’, which is also known as ‘Savitri’, is a Rigvedic hymn (RV III, 62-10) which usually is preceded by the recitation of ‘Om Bhur, Bhuvah Svah’ which upon translation connotes :

Om bhur bhuvah svah

tat savitur varenyam

“That splendid magnificence of Savitre, the Cosmic Sun, permeating the three worlds, the Earth, the Space and the Heavens is assuredly Savitri; the inspirer, life giver, the stimulative force"

Bhargo devasya Dhimahi

“May we meditate on the life giving divinity, Savitri assuredly is God, and therefore I meditate on his splendor”.

dhiyo Yyonha prochudayat

“May He himself illumine our intelligence. May He himself breath it into us”.

The Gayatri Mantra derives its name from the metre in which it is written, the Gayatri being a Vedic poetic metre of 24 syllables of which, as per tradition, is authored by the sage Vishvamitra. The mantra consists of three sections (PADS) having eight syllables each and have to be recited in a particular sequence. Therefore the Gayatri Mantra is not a magic formula nor is it merely a logical sentence. It connects in a very special way the objective and subjective aspects of reality. It is neither a mere sound nor sheer magic. Words have not only sound but also meaning which is not apparent to all those who simply hear the sound. Such living words have a power that transcends the mental plane. To acquire this energy of the word one has to grasp not only its meaning but also its message, or its vibrations, as they are sometimes called in order. Therefore the phonetic quality of the mantra demands that it be recited in a particular way. Faith, understanding and physical utterance as well as physical continuity (since the mantra is supposed to be handed down by a master) are the essential requisites. Every word links up with the source of all words. The ultimate character of the word (Shabada Brahma) is a fundamental concept in spirituality.

4. Abhid (the alms)

The alms giving (Abhid) is now a symbolic act reminiscent of ancient institution of obtaining voluntary contributions made for the sustenance of the Guru’s Ashram in which the initiated students used to study. Presently during the Yugnopavit ceremony the act of alms giving is symbolically staged and is known as Abhid. This has now taken the complexion of “Dakshina” for the presiding Guru.

5. Relevance of Yugnopavit in the present times

The Yugnopavit ceremony used to be one of the most exalted functions in the life of a Brahmin, particularly in respect of the Kashmiri Brahmins. But due to major changes in the social and economic factors its importance in the course of time has significantly dwindled. In recent times it has lost its vitality and sublimity. It has unfortunately now been reduced to a social “Tamasha” without any attempt by us to restore its former sanctity. This sacrament used to be one of the most important instruments for inculcating and imparting discipline, values of life and the principles of right conduct.

Now, in the aftermath of our exodus from Kashmir it is doubly important to try and restore the intrinsic sanctity and usefulness of this samaskara so that we are able to give a worthy gift unto the young. Whereas modern education with its scientific spirit and vocational training is important for our children, but at the same time cultivation of matrices of right conduct, overall personality development with humane values of life so as to develop a vibrant ethos are the very essential credentials that would enable us to face the challenges of the present world. At present our children are facing a cultural cul-de-sac which suggests a drifting and a meaningless existence.

A sense of direction is needed more than ever before. The infusion of the spirit behind the “Yugnopavit” ceremony which also aims to promote compassion, love, benevolence, non-violence, fraternity, self-discipline and finer human relationship etc. in addition to the urge to meditate on the resurgence of the Supreme Consciousness can act as one of the most important instruments for achieving this goal.

The intrinsic message of the Gayatri Mantra engulfs a wide gamut of ideals such as what the Isha Upanishad says:-

Yastu sarvani bhutanyatmanayay vamu pashyeti

sarva bhuteshu ch atmanam tato na vijugupsate

yasiman sarvani bhutanyatmyvabhdi janatah

tatra ko moha kah shokah eikatva manupashytaha

“He who sees all creatures in himself, himself in all creatures, does not show abhorrence to any one; knowing all beings to be ones own-self and seeing the unity of man-kind, how can there be for him delusions, sufferings and sorrows.”

Bala Devi of Balahama, Srinagar

Isht Devi of Dogra Rulers

By Virendra Bangroo

INTRODUCTION

Ancient Hindu Shrines in Kashmir are under constant threat of oblivion either due to neglect or destruction.

The village Balhama named after the Goddess Bala Devi is thirteen kilometers from Srinagar and is surrounded by the village Wuyan in the east, Khanmoh and Zewan in the north and Pampore in the west. The shrine of Bala Devi is connected with link roads from the National Highway IA via Sempore and Pampore town. From Sempore the Shrine is at a distance of 4 kms and from Pampore at a distance of two kilometers.

BALA DEVI SHRINE

The shrine of Bala Devi has Jagir has thirty kanals of land attached to it. Around the shrine proper are twelve brick pillars covered with the galvanised iron sheets. The space in between the pillars is fenced with grills. This sort of renovation was undertaken in 1975. Earlier the shrine was open on all sides. Around the five sacred devdar trees in the shrine are twenty stone idols of gods and goddesses. Painted with Vermillion these are of ancient date. There is also a Shiv Linga in the Shrine.

MYTHOLOGY

Bata Devi is mentioned in Mahakala-Samhita, Mantra Mahodadhi, Sri Lalitopakhyan and Haritayan Samhita or Tripura-Rahasya.

The three eyed Bala Devi has the moon crescent above her forehead and she has in her hands the book and beads, and the other two hands are in Abhay and Dhyan Mudra. She is of red complexion and wears red clothes. Sometimes she is depicted holding Ankus a and Pasa in addition to beads and the book. She is bedecked with the necklace of gems and pearls.

The account of Sri Bala Devi is given in the 22nd chapter of Sri Lali Topakhyan which forms part of Brahmand Purana. According to this text Sri Bala Devi is said to be the daughter of Sri Lalitmaha Tripura Sundari. A the age of nine years she become ternibly angry after seeing the Bandasura and his thirty sons who were marching ahead for a war. Bala Devi requested her mother Maha Bhatarika Sri Lalita Tripura Sundari to allow her to fight with the Bandasura. Permission for which was not allowed by her mother because of her tender age. On her daughter's insistence she not only gave her the permission but also one of her shields and number of her attributes. With this preparation she proceeded on a chariot towards the battle field. After an intense fight she was able to kill the thirty sons of Bandasura.

In Haritayan Samhita or Tripura-Rahasya, (Chapter 63), Bala Devi at the age of eight years is said to have fought directly with Bandasura. Knowing that her mother won't give her the permission she quietly proceeded towards the battle field on a chariot followed by Mantrani and Dandani.

Bala Devi was able to pierce the mighty forces of Bandasura with her rain of arrows and then confronted the Kutilaksh, riding on a mighty elephant, the commander of the forces of Bandasura. Bala Devi showered the arrows on the elephant and thereafter killed Kutilaksh. Bala Devi alone destroyed the army of Bandasura and then directly confronted the Asura. Instead of attacking Bala Devi, Bandasura showered flowery arrows on the Devi. Seeing this the charioteer of Devi was astonished and asked the Devi the reason for the same. Bala Devi said, “In the last incarnation Bandasura was Mahadoot of Srilakshmi and his name was Manik Shekhar. He was an ardent devotee of Bagvati Lalita Maha Tripura Sundar. Because of the curse on him he became Asura and he was told to earn salvation only by being killed by me. Knowing that I am the daughter of Sri Lalita Amba he is worshipping me.” The war was destined and both began to fight. After defeating the opponents Bala Devi returned to her abode, Sripuri.

FOLK LORE

According to the local folk lore the original abode of Bala Devi is in the South India. It is said that the saint of the temple had a dream in which she told him to visit Kashmir where he could have her darshana. The saint along with his devotees as per the divine blessing visited the village of Balahama which was a dense forest at that time. The goddess gave darshana to the saint in a spring. In order to keep the sanctity of the shrine she directed him to plant trees around the spring. The saint planted fine saplings of Devdar trees around the spring which in the course of time grew to full size and covered the entire spring. The spring is no more visible today. The five Devdar trees are believed to be more than five thousand years old and are the principle object of veneration.

Bala Devi is the family deity of the Dogra rulers in the Valley. Dogra ruler, Pratap Singh used to walk bare foot for about a kilometer to reach this shrine as a matter of respect and devotion towards this shrine. Devotees used to worship by reciting the hyms in the praise of goddess and the milk was offered.

Every year havan was performed in the month of Magh on the day of Tikchorum. Havan was also performed on other auspicious days especially on Haar Chorum. Late Pandit Jai Lal of Balahama was priest of this temple till his death in 1993.

MANAGEMENT OF THE SHRINE

Till 1947 the Shrine was maintained by the Dogra regime and later it was taken over by the Dharmarth Trust. But it was not taken proper care of by the Trust authorities on the pretext that there was no income from this Shrine. The local body named Bala Devi Asthapan Committee was formed in 1973 with Pandit Niranjan Nath as President, Pandit Omkar Nath as Secretary, Pandit Prithvinath and Pandit Radha Krishan as members. The first task the committee undertook was to fence the land around the shrine to prempt encroachment. Seeing the initiative taken by the villagers the Dharmarth Trust also came into to action and sanctioned one chowkidar for the shrine. The committee played a great role in renovating the temple and arranging the religious functions from time to time.

Under the present circumstances one can only hope that powers of Bala Devi will act as a shield against the forces of evil, ignorance and darkness till the dawn of a new era of peace and prosperity.

Five families are still living in the village, Pt. Niranjan Nath expired in January 1999. 

First Kashmiri Chief of Air Staff

Air Chief Marshal Swaroop Kishna Kaul

By Dr. B.N. Sharga

Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul’s ancestors were originally the residents of Habba Kadal area of the Srinagar district of the Kashmir valley. His ancestor Pandit Maharaj Kaul "Dattatreye" came out from the Kashmir valley in the beginning of the 19th century during the rule of Mughal Emperor Shah alam-II (1759-1806) around 1804 via Mughal route and finally settled down in Bazaar Sita Ram of Delhi. After witnessing the growing influence of the British over the administration at Delhi and lack of proper opportunities to secure a good job his son Pandit Ram Chandra Kaul then migrated to the nearby Gwalior state to try his luck there. After sometime he got the job in the Gwalior State Service. The name of his son was Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul.

Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul had his traditional education in Urdu and Persian language under the supervision of able and learned Maulvis in the Gwalior state. After completing his education he got a job in the Gwalior State Service but later on he came to Lucknow in search of a job around 1842 where his cousin (Mausera Bhai) the famous Urdu poet Pandit Day a Shanker Kaul "Naseem" was employed in the court of Nawab Amjad Ali Shah (1842-1847) as a Bakshi. He started living in Kashmiri Mohalla with "Naseem".

After some time Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul got a job in the court of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah (1847-1856) and was made a "daroga" of some department. He was popularly known as "Bhaiyyaji" among the community members in Kashmiri Mohalla. After the Mutiny of 1857 he joined the police department under the British rule and was made a Sub-Inspector at Lakhimpur Kheri. He again came back to Kashmiri Mohalla around 1875 after his retirement from the active government service. In recognition to his loyalty towards the British Crown, he was made an honorary Magistrate and then a Municipal Commissioner by the British and the title of Rai Bahadur was conferred upon him. He was also an Urdu poet of repute and used to compose his Urdu couplets under the pen name of "Takhallus", "Yes" like his father Pandit Ram Chandra Kaul who was also an Urdu poet. Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul used to take the guidance in Urdu poetry writing from his cousin "Naseem" who was an established Urdu poet at that time with a very sharp intellect. Some of the Urdu couplets composed by Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul are there in Bahar-e-Gulshane Kashmir, Vol-II which was published in 1932.

The idea about the style of Pandit Sri Krishna Kaul’s poetry writing and his selection of words to express his feelings can be formed from the following Urdu couplets composed by him.

“Tassavur jalwai yar dil mein hai,

allah ki kudrat ka

Ki butkhane mein aya hoon mein, mushtaq uski surat ka,

Na dar roz jaza ka hai, no andesha kayamat ka

Tarsa hoon uski baksheesh ko, bharosa hai inayat ka,

Ajeeb rind behkhoob tak mein hai, dukhtare raz ki,

Dilhi khair ho ab to hafiz uski, hurmat ka,

Fidaye naz ho kar, mar gaya zere kadam uski,

Ki naksho payenaz kab nishan hain meri turbat ka,

Damgar yeh nikalte hain jo ashk garam aakhon se,

Asar baki abhi hai sozish dil ki hararat ka."

His son Pt. Shyam Krishna Kaul after completing his education went to Calcutta (Kolkata) and got a job in the Calcutta-Nagpur railway section of that time. He subsequently became an audit officer in the same railway division. Pt. Shyam Krishna Kaul’s son Pt. Kunwar Krishna Kaul after the death of his father got the job in the same railway division with its headquarters at Calcutta. Pt. Kunwar Krishna Kaul was married with Roop Kumari who was the daughter of Pt. Triloki Nath Kaul, a leading criminal lawyer of Bahraich and grand daughter of Pt. Baij Nath Kaul "Chungi" of Kashmiri Mohalla, Lucknow. He had three sons Pratap Krishna, Hari Krishna and Swaroop Krishna.

Pandit Kunwar Krishna Kaul’s brother Pandit Brij Krishna Kaul "Bekhabar" was also a reputed Urdu poet of Kashmiri Mohalla, Lucknow. Pandit Brij Krishna Kaul did a monumental work of compiling the poetic compositions of the Kashmiri Pandit poets in the form of two volumes of "Bahar-e-Gulshane Kashmir", He later on migrated from Lucknow to Jaipur where he died in 1927.

Pt. Kunwar Krishna Kaul’s eldest son Pratap Krishna Kaul was born in 1930. P.K. Kaul after completing his education became an I.A.S. Officer. He was posted in Lucknow as a city Magistrate around 1954. After working in various posts in the various districts of U.P. and in the secretariat at Lucknow, he ultimately become a Cabinet Secretary in the Central government around 1984. He then became India’s ambassador to the United States of America in 1986. He retired from active government service in 1990. He is married with Usha who is the daughter of Pt. Krishna Narain Channa and grand daughter of Pt. Laxmi Narain Channa of Jammu.

Pt. Kunwar Krishna Kaul's second son Hari Krishna Kaul was born in 1932. He got married with Subhadra who is the daughter of Pt. Jai Narain Urga. He died quite young in July 1982 at the age of about 50 years.

Pt. Kunwar Krishna Kaul's third and the last son A.C.M. Swaroop Krishna Kaul was born on 20th December 1934 in Kashmiri Mohalla, Lucknow. He had his early schooling in Beasant College in Benaras (Varanasi) which is run by the Rishi Valley Trust of the Theosophical Society of India founded by Annie Beasant. He did his matriculation from this institution in 1949. He then joined the Government College, Allahabad and did his F.Sc. from there in 1951.

After that he joined the National Defence Academy at Kharakvasla in December 1951 and did his graduation course in military training. After passing out from N.D.A. in December 1952 he joined the Air Force Academy at Jodhpur and then did six months extensive training course in flying jet aircrafts at the jet Training Wing of the Air Force at Hakimpet in Secundarabad. He then got his commission in the Indian Air Force in December 1954 as a Pilot Officer in the Squardon No: 17 of the Air Force at Adampur.

It was only in 1954 that the Indian Air Force had its first Indian Chief when Air Marshal Subodh Mukherjee became the chief of the Air Staff. As the top ranking British officers of the Air Force left for their country lock, stock and barrel, so the junior Indian officers got quick promotions in the Air Force after the independence of the country.

During the Indo-Pak war of 1965 Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul was based at Pathankot. He flew mystery air craft and took a very active part in these operations. He was a part of the 28 aircraft strike formations of our Air Force which struck the Chamb-Jourian sector on 17th September 1965 and which was mainly responsible for successfully thwarting and blunting the Pakistani Armour thrust in our territory. Throughout this conflict he undertook many offensive strikes and air support missions to provide air cover to our marching troops in the Pasrur Bulge Sialkot sector of the war front. Our armed forces gave a crushing defeat to the Pakistan army in this war and moved up to the outskirts of the Lahore city. After this the government raised the rank of the Chief of the Air Staff from Air Marshal to Air Chief Marshal.

Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul after this war got the promotion and was made a Commanding Officer of a hunter bomber squadron at Hasimasa in the eastern sector.

 India came to the rescue of "Mukti Bahni" in 1971 to provide it logistic support in their freedom struggle and at the same time to stop the massive influx of refugees from across the border into our territory.

Though actual Indo-Pak war started on 3rd December 1971 but prior to that Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul who was Wing Commander at that time started under taking photo reconnaissance missions over erstwhile East Pakistan since October 1971. These missions were specially carried out deep into enemy territories covering heavily defended sectors of Comilla, Sylhet and Saidpur. The photographs obtained through these drae devil missions of the fortified enemy positions helped our armed forces to finalise their assault plans accordingly to minimise the casualty figures.

Throughout 1971 war Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul carried out strike missions with top precision on military targets of the enemy covering practically the whole area of the erstwhile east Pakistan. He also led some important missions such as an attack on the Dhaka Government House. This mission was a great success and ultimately forced the Pak army to surrender before our armed forces. For this gallantry, determination, professional skill and leadership of a very high order the then President of India V.V. Giri honoured him with Mahavir Chakra (M.V.C.).

His citation reads "on 4th December 1971, he again volunteered for another task to photograph the Tejgaon and Karmitola airfields. His reconnaissance flights over these two airfields in the face of the most sustained and heavy enemy ground fire, stands out as acts of heroism, extreme gallantry and devotion to duty, in addition to his reconnaissance exploits, he led the very first eight air crafts strike mission over Dhaka. In this raid his formation encountered enemy aircraft near the target areas. With exemplary leadership, he maneuvered his force in such a manner that two of the enemy aircrafts could be shot down and the other two fled away. The target thus became clear for attack and all through the war he led his squadron boldly and courageously in the face of the enemy. "

After this war A.C.M., S.K. Kaul became chief operation officer at the Pune Air Force station which is one of the major flying base of the Indian Air Force. He was then made the Wing Commander and group captain in the directorate of Air Intelligence at the Air Force headquarters at New Delhi.

After completing this important assignment A.C.M., S.K. Kaul became the Air Officer Commanding of the Air Force station at Bareilly, which is a very important Air Base of the Central Command. It houses two squadrons with highly specialized role of strategic reconnaissance and electronic warfare.

When Mrs. Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister of the country for the second time in 1980 after the fall of the Janta Party Government, she sent A.C.M., S.K. Kaul to Moscow in 1982 as the Air Attache in the Indian embassy there. He held this post upto January 1986. During this period there was an unprecedented procurement and induction of a large number of air crafts and other weapon systems from the erstwhile Soviet Union for the Indian Air Force to make it one of the best in the world. These included MiG-29, AN-32, 12-76 aircrafts and Mi-17 and Mi-26 helicopters. Apart from all this A.C.M., S.K. Kaul successfully co-ordinated the induction of Radar and Missile systems for the IAF as well. While at Moscow he was also instrumental for the co-ordination of first Indo-Soviet joint space venture very successfully in which Squadron leader Rakesh Sharma carried out his historic space journey to become the first Indian consmonaught. During this period he also arranged, the training in U.S.S.R. of a large number of Indian Air Force personnels for the newly acquired weapon systems from that country.

After his return from Moscow he was posted as the Director of Personnel (Officers) at the Air Force Headquarters at New Delhi. He was then made the senior Air Staff Officer at the South Western Air Command at Jodhpur. During this two years stint at the Jodhpur Air Base apart from conducting the routine air exercises, he reorganised the total Air Defence environment of that important region, which included the integration of the Army Radars with the Air Force for providing proper Air Defence to the Bombay high region from any strike by the enemy.

Around 1989 he was appointed as the senior air staff officer in CAC  at Allahabad. He again rearranged the operational air exercises, which were conducted in this command to give it a total thrust towards the task oriented training. Under this command a large scale air borne operations involving a battalion group, paradropping and heliborne operations, dropping two company groups were organised and very successfully conducted, thus enhancing our capabilities in this field.

In February 1991 he became AOC-in-C of the Central Air Command and he remained on this post up to 30 April 1992. During this tenure he devoted his special attention towards optimization and utilization of the resources and simultaneously identifying the areas for effecting economy, both in manpower and materials by taking effective steps to curtail the unproductive expenditure. Apart from all this he also gave special attention towards the welfare of the air personnel. Under his command greater efforts were made and due emphasis was given to improve the quality of life at all the stations of the Air Force by providing a better and healthier environment in them with improved facilities.

In order to project and identify the Air Force with our countrymen, particularly those living in the rural areas, a scheme was launched to adopt a village continguous to the Air Force camps. For carrying out all this work and for his distinguished record of service of the most extraordinary nature the then President of India Mr. R.Venkataraman awarded him with Param Vishisht Seva Medal in 1992.

On 18th May 1992 he was appointed as the AOC-in-Chief of the Western Air Command, which is the largest and one of the most important operational command of the IAF to keep a constant vigil on the western border of our country. In order to promote closer co-operation and better integration of joint planning between the Army and the Air Force he institutionalised bi-annual conferences with both Northern and Western Command of the Army with active support of the two GOCs-in-C. These conference, helped a lot in building up a better understanding between the two wings of our armed forces, the Army and the Air Force thus paving a way for integrated joint planning for future wars.

On 31st July 1993 he was appointed by the government as the chief of the Air Staff. He retired from this post on 21 December 1995 after putting in 42 years of active service in the Indian Air Force. In November 1994, he was also appointed as Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee. In this capacity he gave great impetus to joint planning and co-operation in conducting any operation.

Air Chief Marshal S.K. Kaul got married on 11 December 1962 at Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh with Nita the daughter of Pt. Chand Narain Raina "Chand" of Lahore who was a reputed Urdu poet. Mrs. Nita Kaul is a very active social worker. She has contributed a lot in the field of adult education by regularly organising various adult education programmes at the places where her husband was posted from time to time. She has also worked for the institutions for the handicapped children at most of the Air Bases. She also made the Air Force Wives Welfare Association meaningful by involving a large number of wives of the Air Force personnels in various ventures and social programmes. This couple has two daughters Shivani and Devyani. The former is married with Sanjay Tikku while the latter is married with Barmali Agrawal.

Air Chief Marshal S.K Kaul is a charming personality. He was a keen sportsman during his young age. Golf and Tennis are his most favourite games. He loves reading books on various subjects and listening Indian Classical music. He is popularity known as Supp Bhai among his relatives and close friends. He is humble and highly cultured . He has over 3700 hours of accident free flying record to his credit which is a very remarkable feat indeed. He had flown various types of fighter and bombar supersonic aircrafts held out in the inventory of the Indian Air Force from the Vampires in the 1950s to the latest MiG-23, Jagaur, MiG-29, and Mirage-2000 aircrafts. After his retirement from service he settled down in the Gurgaon.

Kashmir

By Shamim Ahmed Shamim

The accord that took place between Mrs. Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah in February 1975 after two years' prolonged parleys, marks a watershed in the politics, if not the history, of the state. The arrest of Sheikh Abdullah in 1953, his imprisonment, subsequent externment, and declaring the Plebiscite Front an unlawful party had not only eroded the legitimacy of the accession but cast a shadow on the democratic institutions and the functioning of democracy in the country. Undoubtedly the use of force, repression and other unlawful practices had started in the Sheikh's regime itself in the 1951 State Assembly elections. But, after 1953, what passed under the pretence of elections in the State, and the manner in which the country's political parties and national press entered into a conspiracy of silence, accepting the suppression of justice, democracy and moral values as an unpalatable yet inevitable reality, left an indelible stigma on the fabric of Indian democracy.

I am firm in my opinion that all the experiments put to use in other parts of the country to pervert the electoral process with the help of government machinery, political repression and money power, were initially tried and tested in the laboratory of Kashmir. The repeated use of these reprehensible devices so dulled our democratic sensibility that the clamping down of internal emergency became not only possible but also acceptable, at least during the earlier phase. The facade of Assembly elections in 1951 and then bypassing the same Assembly in 1953, deposing and arresting Sheikh Abdullah, signalled the starting point of a journey which twenty two years later finally culminated in overwhelming the nation with an internal emergency.

Against such a back-drop, the Indira-Addullah accord of February 1975, was a significant step towards normalising the political process in the State; and Mrs. Gandhi quite rightly deserves kudos and credit for this act of statesmanship and farsightedness. Without conceding a single demand, she persuaded the Sheikh to accept the Chief Ministership of the State on Congress support.

Having remained in political wilderness for 22 years, Sheikh Abdullah, accepting the realities of the situation, renounced the slogan of self-determination, plebiscite and demand for restoration of the 1953 status of the state. For some time, however, he stubbornly insisted that he should be called the Prime Minister instead of the Chief Minister. Mrs. Gandhi granted it partially, allowing him to call himself Prime Minister if he so wished, but making it clear that the Centre would refer to him only as Chief Minister.

Although it is true that India's stand on Kashmir, its constitutional position and international commitments have in no way been affected or influenced by the accord, the State undoubetly has undergone a qualitative change: a semi-balance of peace, stability and normality has entered the political scene. Notwithstanding his controversial personality, erratic politics and short-sighted perspective, Sheikh Abdullah continues to be the most charismatic figure dominating Kashmir politics, holding the centre of the stage for the last 50 years as a symbol of Kashmiri nationalism.

To cap it all, his dismissal, arrest, imprisonment, externment, in fact every insult and injustice inflicted upon him has given him a martyr's halo, making him more and more popular. Consequently, he has emerged as the most outstanding example of Kashmiri aspirations. The efforts of his successors and the Centre to keep him out of politics and power proved so counter productive that to extern or imprison him at every subsequent election in the State, became an unavoidable necessity upto 1971. The Sheikh and the Plebiscite Front made their task easier by boycotting those elections. But when he decided to participate in 1971, the State government had to impose restrictions on his entry into the State and to meet this danger the Centre had to declare the Plebiscite Front an unlawful party.

These undemocratic and high handed methods gave rise to a self-seeking, pelf-seeking class which wielded unbridled authority to do whatever it liked in the name of loyalty to the Central government and the ruling party. To deal with Sheikh Abdullah and his incendiary politics, the Centre was compelled to support these 'loyalists'. Thus, we got into a vicious circle, with little hope of extricating ourselves.

Whatever the motives and considerations that weighed with Mrs. Gandhi and the Sheikh in forging the accord, its incontrovertible end product is the possibility of breaking this vicious circle, and being released from the anomalous and monopolitical strangle-hold of the Congress on the politics of the State. The March 1977 revolution has given to these possibilities a clear and concrete shape. As a result, for the first time after Independence, the Sheikh and his party, the National Conference, have come into power, after the conduct of what were comparatively free and impartial elections. In fact, it is such an extraordinary and revolutionary change that it would have been impossible even to think of it a year earlier. This pleasant but unexpected turn to the situation must have been a surprise for even Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues.

In January 1977, before the declaration of general elections, the Sheikh held talks with Mrs Gandhi on the distribution of Assembly seats between the Congress and the National Conference on a basis of equality. The distribution of parliamentary seats had in fact been done on this very principle of fifty-fifty. Had Mrs. Gandhi won the elections, it was likely that he would have found it difficult to secure even 50% seats. But, whereas the March 1977 elections liberated the country from dynastic rule and bondage of fear, it also set free the Sheikh and his party from the shackles of political compromise and agreements.

The manner in which the Sheikh lent his unreserved and unqualified support to Mrs. Gandhi and the Emergency after having become the Chief Minister, pointedly highlights the fact that he had not accepted the realities of a changed situation resulting from a change in ideology or mental attitudes, but as the single entry-point to the place of power. For this very reason, the political accord proved the starting point of many of his compromises on principles and points of view and, right up to Mrs. Gandhi's debacle in March 1977, he continued making compromises with his avowed stands at every step. Such a climbdown, though hardly in harmony with his political stature and popular image, was an inevitable consequence of the Sheikh's political style and the background against which the accord was forged.

For Mrs. Gandhi, the accord had all the advantages. Without conceding anything she achieved all that her father failed to achieve in his life time. The process that had been set into motion with the withdrawal of the conspiracy case against the Sheikh in 1964 had been left half way through because of Nehru's death. Eleven years later his daughter led it to its logical conclusion. Jawaharlal was unhappy with Sheikh Abdullah's separatist political and pro-Pak stance. He wanted the Sheikh to accept the accession as final. The Indira-Abdullah accord represents the fulfillment of this wish. But, for Sheikh Abdullah, the agreement was no more than a charter of unfulfilled hopes and shattered dreams.

It was the outcome of his frustration and disillusionment. In spite of 22 years of imprisonment, exile and isolation from the position of power, he had seen no light emerging from anywhere. Meanwhile, a new generation had come to the fore. And this generation was free from the kind of emotional attachment which bound the elders to him. On the other hand, they held him responsible for those involved political entanglements, the complexities of which had shadowed their birth and growth. On the one hand, notwithstanding his stature and popularity, the fact of his being out of power coupled with the demands of practical politics had gradually rendered him irrelevant; on the other, the power blocks had lost interest in the Kashmir issue and the Security Council resolutions on Indo-Pak relations attracted the idle curiosity of research scholars only. Pakistan too had ceased to sustain life in a receding hope which petered out finally in 1965.

Dejected by Pakistan, the Sheikh eventually gave up the politics of non-cooperation and decided to participate in the elections in 1971. It is a pity that the State and Central governments prevented him from doing so, imposing restrictions on his re-entry into the State. This frustrated him further. The defeat of Pakistan in the Bangladesh war of 1971, shook him to the roots, delivering a crippling blow to his determination and resistance. Not only had Sheikh Abdullah refused to condemn the barbaric policies that Pakistan pursued during the early days of military intervention in Bangladesh, but in an interview published in a Hyderabad Urdu daily, he had justified the actions of General Yahya Khan and the notorious Tikka Khan.

The breakdown of the Pakistan war machine and the creation of Bangladesh now fully and finally convinced him that Pakistan could no longer keep the Kashmir issue alive. Thus, he turned to rebuild his broken bridges with Mrs. Gandhi. It must be said to the credit of Mrs. Gandhi that she seized the opportunity and encouraged the move. Had the present Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, been in her place, he would possibly have lost the opportunity by his stubborn attitude and rigid behaviour. In fact, after the creation of Bangladesh, when Sheikh Abdullah chose the path of reconciliation, giving up the posture of confrontation, Mrs. Gandhi got him installed as Chief Minister with the help of the Congress majority in the Legislature.

In spite of being a significant step towards normalising the political life of the state, fundamentally the accord was an agreement between two individuals and nothing more. It had no legal or constitutional validity. Between February 1975 and March 1977, it came to breaking point on many an occasion and the credit goes to the Sheikh that he saved it from getting snapped, albeit at the cost of his self-respect and personal pride. Precisely for this reason, the Congress Party withdrew its support to Sheikh Abdullah from the legislature and practically finished the accord after its defeat in March 1967. What followed has put a stop to the artifices and artificiaries of the politics of agreements, providing an opportunity to build the state politics on more firm, lasting and purposeful foundations.

The recent changes in the politics of the State must be welcomed from this point of view. The present government and its leadership has come into existence through free elections and public confidence, instead of political agreements and personal expediency. Thus, for the first time during the last 30 years, the democratic process has been allowed a free flow along its natural course.

There is no denying that to win the Assembly elections Sheikh Abdullah had fanned feelings of communalism, internal autonomy, parochialism and regionalism. He had created such an atmosphere that quite a few political observers, while conceding the elections to have been free, refuse to accept them as fair. But, to use a biblical image, would there be any politician in the land who could pelt the first stone at him?

It is worthy to note that to ensure his success at the polls the Sheikh, instead of banking upon his sacrifice, popularity and charisma had to take recourse to such trite and tried manoeuvres which are used by ordinary professional politicians. Some say that to influence the voters and evoke their sympathy, he even prolonged his illness. Whether this is true or false no one can tell. But there is no doubt that Sheikh Abdullah staked everything to win the last elections.

It goes to the credit of the Janata Government that it allowed the freest elections to the State, for the first time since independence, thus proving to the people of Kashmir that they too have the same fundamental democratic rights which the people in the rest of the country enjoy and exercise. In particularly, for the Muslims of the Valley, it was an incredible phenomenon that only two candidates of the ruling party at the Centre-the Janata Party--were returned out of the 42 seats it contested. In the past, some eighty to ninety percent candidates belonging to the ruling party used to win with 'large majorities'. From this point of view alone, the July 77 elections represent an important experiment in the politics of the State which are bound to yield good results.

While the results of the ’77 Assembly elections have demonstrated in full measure, Sheikh Abdullah's impressive strength they have also set limits and exposed the shortcomings of his success and influence. For instance, it is significant that the National Conference, in spite of its secular and noncommunal cast, has emerged only as a representative party of the Muslims in the State. That explains its slender image in Jammu where it received only seven out of a total of 32 seats and its all pervasive position in the Valley where it bagged all but three of the 42 seats.

It was the direct result of communal preaching and regional stance projected by the party during electioneering. In fact, if the Janata rebels had not contested the officially fielded candidates and thus divided the vote, the National Conference would hardly have managed a seat or two in Jammu.

Another significant factor to note is that in spite of the charismatic personality of Sheikh Abdullah and the calmly thought out slogans, calculated to heartwarm sectarian feelings, the National Conference was able to muster only 46% of the total votes polled, even though it secured 49 seats. In other words, the Sheikh won the election but lost the plebiscite. Let alone the fact that the Janata Party and its allies got a severe bashing at the hustings, it has brought stability to State politics and promoted the national cause in an extraordinary measure.

The recent political changes and developments in Jammu and Kashmir affirm that there are no shortcuts to political stability and national stability and national intergrity other than the democratic ones. The traumatic experience that the country passed through during the Emergency, and the current political situation in Pakistan, emphasised its importance even more clearly. Likewise, it is certain that the democratic system cannot be sustained, much less strengthened in the rest of the country if it is suppressed in a part of it, be it Nagaland or Kashmir.

Now that a normal political process has been set into motion in Kashmir, it should not be prevented from taking its logical and natural course by raising the sceptre of the threat to national solidarity, the country's interest and territorial integrity as in the past.

In view of his earlier secessionist postures, some quarters are some what apprehensive about Sheikh Abdullah's recent statements and utterances regarding the internal autonomy of the State. In my opinion, however, there is no need to read any far-reaching ambition in these public postures and statements. The fundamental fact is that he accepts Kashmir as an integral part of India, and regards Kashmir's accession as irrevocable and final.

It is well known that in spite of getting tremendous moral and material support from Pakistan during the last 22 years, the Sheikh has at no stage been in favour of Kashmir's accession to Pakistan. Having now acquired power through free elections, he could have little use for Pakistan. On the contrary, he has been talking of the return of State. His demand for his inclusion in any talks that India holds with Pakistan regarding Kashmir, betrays a psychological aberration rather than any political ambition. This is the nostalgia of the fifties, when big power interests in Kashmir and debates in the United Nations and other international forums kept him in the limelight, making him an international figure.

The most interesting aspect of Kashmir's current politics is the absence of any ideological base and economic programme in the State's most organised and influential organisation, the National Conference. True that it had a socio-economic programme called 'New Kashmir' before independence. But in the  present day context, the document is an historical anachronism. In the euphoria of the newly acquired power in 1975, no attempt at redefining political aims and economic goals was made, while the Plebiscite Front was rechristened the 'National Conference'. On the contrary, Sheikh Abdullah repeatedly emphasised that we should give a 'holiday' to politics for some time and get down to work.

After the imposition of Emergency, he was even more emphatic about this. But when all the equations of power and politics underwent a sea change, consequent upon the March 77 election, the National Conference leadership became keenly aware of the absence of political ideology and economic programme. To tackle this problem, Sheikh Abdullah tried to smoothen the way for an understanding with the new Central government and Janata leaders, so that under a new arrangement he continued to hold the reins of power. Fortunately for the State, the Janata leadership refused to have any such understanding and Kashmir was saved from yet one more spell of the 'politics of agreements'.

It was only when he had failed to strike this bargain that the Sheikh, raising the issue of internal autonomy and of safeguarding Article 370 during the Assembly elections, created an artificial atmosphere of confrontation between the Centre and the State, although the Foreign Minister, A.B. Vajpayee, while participating in the debate on Karan Singh's motion of adjournment against the imposition of Governor's rule in the State, had clearly stated that no change would be made in Article 370, without consulting the people of the state. Despite the fact that he too knew fully well that the Janata government had no such intentions, the Sheikh, in search of an election issue, 'invented' the spectre of danger to internal autonomy and Article 370, generating tremendous sympathy for him and support for his party.

The true nature of Sheikh Abdullah's interest and concern for the State's internal autonomy and safeguarding of Article 370 is, however, betrayed by his and his party's unconditional acceptance of the 42nd amendment during the Emergency. A committee appointed under the chairmanship of Afzal Beg, the Vice-President of the National Conference, described the amendment as 'consistent with the needs and demands of the time,' although it considerably eroded the country's federal structure and the State's internal autonomy. In terms of the amendment, if Parliament chose to abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution, the State government and Sheikh Abdullah could not have knocked at the Supreme Court gates, and Sheikh Abdullah and his party, instead of protesting against it, welcomed it.

The recent Sheikh-Jyoti Basu talks and statements regarding more and more autonomy to the States should be assessed against this background. With the Sheikh, autonomy is his total politics; with Basu an important weapon to carry forward his social aims, in conformity with his political ideology. It is only to emerge as the 'defender of the faith' and make up for the absence of a politico-economic programme, that the Sheikh wants to create a sense of insecurity among the people of the State. Personally I am in favour of granting a greater measure of internal autonomy to the States, particularly in the economic field; but the manner in which Sheikh Abdullah and his successors have used it throughout to suppress the democratic rights and civic freedoms of the people, leaves much room for doubt about its concept and content.

It would not be out of place to mention the Public Safety Ordinance promulgated by the Sheikh and his government in this connection. Sheikh Abdullah's demand for internal autonomy is qualitatively different to the demand of greater powers, by the other states. The Sheikh's demand has overtones of secessionism and communalism, because he links the issue of autonomy with accession. The State comprises three units, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The demand for internal autonomy represents, at best, the aspirations of the Kashmiri Muslims. On the contrary, the people of Jammu and Ladakh consider it as part of a plan of Kashmiri domination. Considered in this context, Sheikh Abdullah's leadership of this rightful demand of the other States is likely to prove a liability rather than an asset.

The Sheikh's advantage is that he has no political or intellectual commitment and that is why he can flit across freely and without invitation, from a Marxist Jyoti Basu, a fascist Indira Gandhi , to an orthodox Imam Syed Abdullah Bukhari. The greatest contribution of Sheikh Abdullah to the politics of the State is that he played a prominent role in secularising it. But it is an irony of history and a paradox of present times that he himself has been in the fore in creating communal and separatist feelings among the Muslims. The reason is that he has throughout made use of the religious idiom to preach secularism; so that whenever he has had to seek support of religious sentiment for personal advancement and aggrandizement, he had conveniently made religion a tool of politics, and politics a tool of religion.

At any rate, that is his political style and there is no escape from it. The tragedy is that Kashmir politics have stagnated under this style and stunted the growth of the Kashmiri people. Consequently, in this last quarter of the 20th Century, Kashmiris find themselves in the darkness of tribal ways of thought and reaction, prejudices and fears. The geographical conspiracy of nature of shut Kashmir up in a trap has been further strengthened by politicians by strengthening these barricades rather than breaking them down.

In this analysis, I have dwelt in detail on Sheikh Abdullah's personality and political attitudes. It was unavoidable. For, the Sheikh has been the fountain-head, centre and pivot of Kashmir politics for the last 50 years. Any objective analysis of Kashmir politics is bound to prove incomplete without an analysis of this subjective aspect of his personality. This undoubtedly sets the seal on Sheikh Abdullah as an extremely popular leader, wielding tremendous political influence; but it also points toward the mental and political backwardness of Kashmir, where persons matter more and issues and ideologies less. The fact is that politics in Kashmir has yet to be released from the strangle-hold of religiosity and ritual.

Consequently, the population, in terms of alignment and allegiance, is divided between different religious leaders, the Sheikh and Mirwaiz Farooq being the main contenders. The former uses the famous shrine of Hazratbal as his political platform and the latter the historical Jama Masjid of Srinagar as his political fortress. Taking their cue from them and encouraged by their successful manoeuvres both Shia and the Jamait-Islami leaders have joined the political game. Jamait-Islami, ironically, was encouraged by the ruling Congress Party in its efforts to enter the political arena with a view to steal Sheikh Abdullah's thunder. That explains why the party secured 5 seats in the State Assembly in the 1972 elections.

But is it is almost impossible to beat the Sheikh at his own game. The political influence of the Jamait vanished overnight when it clashed with him in the panchayat elections of 1974 and in the recent Assembly elections. The party has managed to get only one seat in the State Assembly. The Shia leaders are also busy organising their followers for political purposes and thus renewing the age-old Shia-Sunni conflict. The recent clashes between the two sects is symptomatic of the growing politicalization and exploitation of the two communities.

Among the other political parties the Janata Party, the two Congresses and Mirwaiz Farooq's Awami Action Committee deserve some mention. The Janata sapling is unlikely to strike roots in the Valley. Its constituents, Jana Sangh, BLD, Organisation Congress and Socialist Party, did not exist in the Valley; hence there was no ready-made cadre available to the Janata Party when it started functioning in the State in April 77. Sheikh Abdullah too delivered a stunning blow to it by calling it the 'Jana Sangh in a different garb'.

Finally, the utter defeat it suffered at the polls has completely disheartened those who rallied under its banner. The state of the party in the Valley can be judged from the fact that it cannot get a couple of rooms for its central office in the city of Srinagar. In other words, the party has no postal address.

As against this, in Jammu, it built up on the existent Jana Sangh base. Whereas the party has not even a central office in Srinagar, in Jammu it has several parallel offices. On account of the tug and pull between the Jana Sangh and non-Jana Sangh elements in Jammu, the party is in utter confusion which the Central leadership has yet to sort out. The increasing influence of the erstwhile Jana Sangh spells grave danger for the party's future as the minority community in the region would prefer joining the Congress or the National Conference rather than the Janata.

In the Valley, the existence of the Congress, right from the beginning has depended on the prestige of the Central government, the power and the vested interest that surround it. That explains its disintegration after its removal from the seat of power. The split at the top has staggered it further, and sizeable sections of Congress workers are switching over to the Janata and National Conference. In Jammu, the Congress though in a more stable position, has suffered considerably due to the split at the national level. The emerging position has exposed and exploded the myth of Karan Singh's popularity and influence in Jammu where the bulk of the Congress has gone with Indira Gandhi, whose faction appears stronger than the Reddy Congress. This may be partly due to the Sheikh's support and sympathy for Indira Gandhi.

Mirwaiz Farooq is essentially a religious leader but his political ambition is not unknown. During the Assembly elections in July 77, he threw his lot in with the Janata by supporting it. However, only one candidate fielded by his party, the Awami Action Committee, won. He and his party are considered to have Pak leanings. But changes in the Indo-Pak political scene have reduced his influence which is anyhow restricted to the few areas of Srinagar city alone. One of the healthier aspects of the process of normalisation of State politics since July 1977, is the complete eclipse of the secessionist elements in the Valley. Mirwaiz Farooq's support to the Janata Party (and he continues to be friendly) was a significant factor in this direction. Whatever may have been his reasons for supporting the Janata Party against Sheikh's National Conference, it clearly indicates the qualitative change in the extremist politics of Kashmir and Kashmiri leaders.

Source: SEMINAR, April, 1978

*The author, a former MP edited ‘AINA’ and was a talented journalist in Urdu. Recently an anthology of his writings in AINA, has been brought in two volumes.

We are like thoughts, you should have thought us

By Dileep Kumar Kaul

Who does not know about the Scindia dynasty of Gwalior? Madhao Rao Scindia of our times, died in an air crash. In the beginning of twentieth century Maharaja Madhao Rao Scindia-I died in Paris. He had only one man by his side in whose lap he breathed his last. This man was a Kashmiri Pandit. Colonel (Sir) Kailash Nath Haksar.

There is a Kashmiri idiom ‘Mecchi Noon Dyuni’ i.e. to salt somebody's oil so that he is totally incapacitated. There is a technique in Agriculture called 'Bauthra technique'. This technique which enables one to make saline and barren soils fit for agriculture, is approved by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research. And who invented this technique? The famous botanist Dr Kailas Nath Kaul.

These and such many other achievements of Kashmiri Pandits are given in the four volumes of the work 'Kashmiri Panditon Ke Anmol Ratna' written by Dr B.N. Sharga. It is a collection of biographies of eighty Kashmiri Pandits who made exemplary contributions to the whole nation in general and the community in particular for about last three centuries. Dr Sharga has taken pains to research, through the history of these families, when did they migrate from Kashmir and where does their progeny live now.

This work is of utmost importance in contemporary times when the coming generations face the danger of forgetting their history and the foundations laid by their fore fathers. It is only a part of an exiled community which thinks about the self esteem and ethos of the community. Dr Sharga through this work has given a message to the coming generations that these 80 Kashmiri Pandits lived a life of activity and had a remarkable influence on Indian society but never forgot their KP identity. Yes! we are the people in whose serene and consoling laps Kings breathed their last and whose hands made berren lands of the country grow flowers and crops, and a lot more. We have no reason to feel disappointed but have to understand that there is nothing that we cannot do.

The book makes it clear that there were two centres of Kashmiri Pandit activity where KP migrants resided. One was Sitaram Bazar of Delhi and the other Kashmiri Mohalla of Lucknow. Kashmiri Pandits were scattered all over India but these were the most important places from where they made their mark. The Kashmiri Pandits are known as the people who like white collar jobs. But in these four volumes one is astonished to note that there was not even a single aspect of life in which they did not excel. KPs were poets, intellectuals, social reformers, doctors, warriors, scientists, artists and what not. One feels happy to note that the forefathers of all these eminent personalities migrated from the very familiar areas of Srinagar city and other parts of Kashmir from which the contemporary community of KPs was forced to run away.

The contribution of famous Prem Adeeb to the beginning of Indian Cinema cannot be ignored. His forefathers migrated from Kanya Kadal area of Srinagar city. The immortal Chandra Mohan Wattal of 'Pukar' fame began the star tradition in Indian cinema. But it is not mentioned that the famous role of King Akbar played by Prithvi Raj Kapoor in 'Mughal-e-Azam' was at first given to Chandramohan, who left the world leaving the film halfway.

Do you know who was 'Kulbhushan Nath Pandit'. Yes! everybody knows Rajkumar, his dialogue delivery and acting. His forefathers had migrated from Karwani Mohalla which is near Fateh Kadal in Srinagar city.

The personalities like R.N. Kaw (the founder of RAW) and General T.N. Raina (GoC-in-C) need no introduction. The predecessors of R.N. Kaw migrated in 18th century from Zaindar Mohalla of Srinagar city and those of General Raina migrated from Habba Kadal. These personalities can be put as ideals before our children so that they feel associated with their roots and the place of origin. Eminent Kashmiri Pandit ladies are also put forward. These include Sheela Kaul, Dr Jagat Mohini and all time great saints like Lal Ded and Roop Bhawani.

Beginning the work with Lal Ded would have given a different meaning to the whole work. But an important personality like Padmawati Fotedar alias 'Nun' has been excluded. Padmawati Fotedar, mother of Pt. Shivnarain Fotedar, was the first KP lady to become a teacher. She remembered the name of every girl in her classes and would rush to their homes if they would not attend the school even for a day. One very conspicuously feels the absence of Hakeem Sham Lal Bhat, the legendary practitioner of Unani medicine, who could cure the ills of those who would come disappointed from every doctor.

The social changes in KP community, which took place from time to time have also been underlined. The divide in KP community when Pt. Bishan Narain Dhar from Kashmiri Mohalla, Lucknow went to England to study law has been vividly explained. Pt. Dhar was ostracised but he fought back along with like minded KPs. But this anecdote has been repeated in many other biographies in the book. This could have been put at one place and a lot of effort and space saved. The writer, almost in every biography has given so much of his personal views about this world that one skips and comes to main biography. This could have been avoided through proper editing which would condense this work into two volumes and make it more affordable and meaningful, because such a book should be owned by all, researchers or lay men to know about a community which has suffered, struggled and excelled throughout its history. The book is in Hindi but the laxity of language shows that the writer is not used to writing in Hindi. The writer tries to end almost every biography with a verse by some insignificant poets. This also could have been avoided.

Besides, the biographies, some articles like 'Kashmiri Pandit Aur Kashmiriat', 'Atankwad Aur Kashmiri Auratein' 'Kashmiri Pandit Aur Homeland' are given in the volumes. These contain very contradictory statements at some points. On P.208 Vol. 2 the writer says, "But they (KPs) could not stay at a place for much time and thus could not establish a standing to reflect their collective power" (My translation) He adds that due to globalisation everybody is facing exile at some point. Kashmiri Mohalla Lucknow and Sitaram Bazar Delhi, the power centres of KPs lost their lustre as the KPs residing there sold their houses to the members of other communities and went away. Condemning the idea of Homeland, he says that with this 'Runaway mentality' how can the idea of Homeland succeed. The writer seems to ignore the fact that demanding a homeland in itself means that we have lost our homeland and we are claiming it, so that we may have not to run away. The writer  says nothing significant in these articles. The volumes, without these articles would not have been less important.

In the biography of Pt. Avtaar Krishan Wattal we find another contradiction regarding the mindset of Kashmiri Pandits, "Due to their escapist (Palayanwadi) nature, the Kashmiri Pandits believe in going here and there so that they find an adequate place to enable themselves to express their talent". (My translation). One is compelled to think that if they want to find an adequate place to express their talent how can they be escapists?

Despite all this, Dr BN Sharga, has brought about a work which inculcates a consciousness of roots in the reader. This will encourage further research on Kashmiri Pandits.

Some ideas of Kashmiri Pandit organisations and the newspapers published by KPs is also given. There was a 'Kashmiri Social Conference in Lucknow' and 'Kashmiri Pandit National Association' in Lahore. Pt. Shivnarain 'Bahar' published an Urdu weekly 'Risala Murasali Kashmir' since 1870 for many years. Pt. Brij Lal Nehru, started the first English Daily of Rangoon in Burma. It was he who laid the foundations of resistance against the military junta which is being carried forward by Aung San Su at present. This explains how inspiring and stimulating were the KPs not only in the country but on international level also.

The book, in fact, is mainly relevant with respect to Kashmiri Pandit diaspora. The writer seems to have no understanding of the contemporary social currents, folk mindset and the literary currents which make contemporary KP community. The writer on one hand comments on history and politics and feels that he has got equal authority to comment on literary trends. This is evident from his comments on the biggest name in Kashmiri poetry i.e. Sh. Dina Nath Nadim. Nadim has been equated with Qazi Nazrul Islam and Sukant Bhattacharya of Bengal. This makes it clear that neither Nadim nor Nazrul and Sukant have been studied. Nadim's revolution is not as fiery as Nazrul, nor is his romanticism like that of the Bengali poet. His social consciousness is less like Sukant and more like Tagore who was a Bengali to his core.

Nadim was a Kashmiri to his core. He can never be understood without comprehending the tradition of Kashmiri aesthetics. He has also been equated with Nirala and Muktibodh of Hindi. A Nadim can better be compared with Nagarjuna. These comments add nothing to the stature of Nadim. On the contrary, it focuses our attention on the tragedy that how Kashmiri Pandits, all over India, attend to their language, the great tradition of the poetry and poetics that Kashmir has given to the world.  

LETTERS

‘Kashmiri Bitarkita Uttaradhikar'

Sir,

It is surprising to me to see an elaborate review of my book "Kashmiri Bitarkita Uttaradhikar" in Sentinel (Feb. 2003).

Please convey my gratitude to Mr. Dileep Kumar Kaul, who has gone through the book minutely. The book came in the market in January 2000 and immediately the first edition was finished. You are free to publish English translation of the book in your paper, if you are willing to do that.

I am happy to see that the spirit of the book has been correctly evaluated. From Mr Kaul's information, I come to know that there is an English book “Kashmir: A disputed Legacy”. I am trying to collect the book now for my enrichment.

We, the writers, are teachers and always look forward to see the J&K in its true perspective. We feel ourselves selfish as our Bengali people raised no hue and cry for the displaced Kashmiri Pandits. Though the Bengalees have faced the same fate and have been driven out from East Pakistan and even right now from Bangladesh.

I guess that there is a Bengali knowing gentleman with you or Mr Kaul knows Bengali well. I am willing to get address of them.

Prabhat Goswami

Retd. Principal

Distt. Bankura, West Bengal.

KS-Sentinel of Pandits

Sir,

I want to congratulate you on bringing out the centenary issue of “Kashmir Sentinel”. In real terms the issue confirms the name of the journal. It is a real Sentinel of the Pandit community. It represents our ethos, our plight, our present problems and also our future aspirations. Kashmir Sentinel has broken new ground with the centenary issue, and it has become a comprehensive journal. Its articles and write ups are well researched and documented. The style of writing is lucid and all its articles are written well. Kashmir Sentinel can easily hold its own among the best fortnightly magazines of the country. I wish Kashmir Sentinel to become a habit for us on a permanent basis. The articles like "Indigenous Rishis v/s Sayyid Sufis", Kashmir's temple of higher Education', 'Lolab valley's Shrines and Legends', 'Social and Political view of Sadat Hassan Mantoo' were highly informative and well written. 'Observation of Holocaust Day", and encroachment of Pandit's land showed how grave atrocities have taken place and are still happening. I wish we put our petty differences aside and unite to achieve our goal which is no less than our 'Panun Kashmir."

Pradeep Kaul Khodballi

Sarshar: Pioneer of Urdu-Hindi Novel

By Ravi M.Bakaya

Firoz Mookerjee, who lives in London, was born in undivided India. She graduated from Lucknow University and later got her Ph.D. from the University of London, where she worked on Ratan Nath Dar ‘Sarshar’ under the supervision of Ralph Russell, Emeritus Reader in Urdu. This book is a revised version of her thesis. All lovers of Urdu-Hindi literature in particular and Indian literature in general will welcome the publication of the first book on Sarshar in English. However, the importance of this book goes far beyond that. It is the first authoritative research work on the complete works of Sarshar.

The second half of the nineteenth century was a very important period in the history of Urdu, Hindi and Bengali prose. The ‘father of modern Hindi’, Bharatendu Harish Chandra (1850-1885), the great Bengali novelist, Bankim Chandra Chatterji (1838-1894), and Ratan NathSarshar (app. 1842-1902)-  lived and worked during this period. Though Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941). also started writing in this period, his better known works belong to the twentieth century.

Bankim, Bharatendu and Sarshar were each distinct in his own way. What they had in common was their pioneering work in their own literature, their familiarity with English literature, which to some extent influenced their work, and the ‘didactic’ character of their literary work.

Ratan Nath Dar (‘Sarshar’ was his pen-name or takhallus) was born in 1842 in a Kashmiri Pandit family domiciled in Lucknow. His father, Baij Nath Dar, was a respected and influential citizen of Lucknow, but he died when Ratan Nath was barely four years old. The Dars lived in the neighbourhood of cultured Muslim families, and the young fatherless child learned his Urdu from the expressive and gracious speech spoken by Muslim ladies of his mohalla.

The Brahmins who had emigrated from Kashmir Valley in the eighteenth century ‘to seek fame and fortune in the rich plains below’ in Jawahar Lal Nehru’s words, had settled down mainly in Delhi and the United Provinces and had adopted Urdu as their language, producing a number of distinguished Urdu writers, scholars and poets, of whom Sarshar was undoubtedly one of the greatest. Unfortunately, not much is known about his personal life and even the year of his birth and the date of his death are matters of conjecture and dispute. (Contrast this with his Hindu contemporary, Bharatendu Harish Chandra. An obituary published after his death mourns that ‘his age was only 34 years, 3 months, 27 days, 17 hours, 7 minutes and 48 seconds’!)

Sarshar, after leaving school, went to Canning College, which had been established by the British in 1864, but he left without taking a degree. However, he came out of college with a  knowledge of English literature which stood him in good stead during his career as a writer. He started his working life in Kheri near Lucknow as a teacher. It was in this period that he started writing articles for various Urdu newspapers and magazines, the most notable of these being Avadh Punch. Some of his articles were on social themes. His articles in an Urdu periodical, Akhbar-I-Sarishta-i-Talim, published by the Department of Public Instruction, drew the attention of the Director of the Department, who noted in his annual report that Sarshar’s translations from English were the best he had seen.

In 1878 Sarshar was  invited by Munshi Naval Kishore, the biggest publisher of those days, to edit Avadh Akhbar, which became a rival and competitor of Avadh Punch. Sarshar edited this paper with distinction from 1878 to 1893 and many of his writings were first printed in it. These included his voluminous novel, Fasana Azad, which was serialised by the paper. Naval Kishore published it later in four volumes, the first being brought out in 1880. Fasana Azad made Sarshar famous; while it was being serialised in Avadh Akhbar, it was read and enjoyed by all sections of society. This is a huge work, comprising four volumes totalling about 3000 pages. It relates the adventures of its central hero, Azad, and his inseparable companion, ‘Khoji’ (a humorous diminutive for Khwaja) who provides cause for endless mirth with his antics. Sarshar was undoubtedly influenced by Don Quioxote in writing this story. Above all, it was Sarshar’s mastery of ‘the vivid, racy colloquial’ language of Lucknow that made his work so popular.

This command of language is nowhere more evident than in the passages of dialogue which form so large a part of the whole work. Sarshar knew how well he could write dialogue, and he uses this talent to the full...He knew exactly the forms of speech, the special vocabulary and the characteristic style and tone appropriate to each of the wide range of characters of different classes and different areas whom he introduces in his pages. The number of characters who appear in Fasana Azad is enormous, yet all seem quite distinctive...

Some idea of the scope and volume of Sarshar’s literary output can be gained from the following lines in Firoze Mookerjee’s book:

During his editorship of Avadh Akhbar Sarshar wrote many articles on political, social and literary subjects. In 1887 he published a translation of Donald Mackenzie Wallace’s History of Russia, a re-written version of an earlier novel, now entitled ‘Jam-i-Sarshar’. Two years later he translated Lord Dufferin’s Letters from High Latitudes. In 1890 his novel, Sair-i-Kuhsar, appeared, followed some time before 1893 by Kamini. About 1893 (Saksena) he started a series of short novels under the general title of Khim-Kada-i-Sarashar. Included in this series were Kururn Dhum, Bichhri Dulhan, Tufan-I-Betamizi, Pi Kahan, Hushsho and Rangile Siyar. Sometime during this period he translated a political pamphlet written by Dr Hunter, a history of Egypt entitled Shakh-i-Nabat and a slightly abridged version of the Arabian Nights. In 1894 came Khudai Faujdar, an adaption and free translation of Don Quixote.

HOWEVER, in all his work, Sarshar aimed at reforming Indian society, cleansing it of obscurantist ideas. This didactic approach was usual in the literature of those times and, indeed, it characterizes all classical literature to some extent. As he said, introducing Fasana Azad when he began serialising it in Avadh Akhbar :

Our real aim in this series is to enable the readers of Avadh Akbhar in the guise of humour to become fully conversant with education and culture and good taste, with correct conversational usage and the idioms appropriate to various occasions, with the atmosphere of every kind of gathering and with the manners of society as a whole..so that (knowledge of) the various states of human communities and the effect of the company one keeps and the climate of the age may bring substantial benefit to our country, so that men’s minds may be illumined by the radiance of good thoughts and excellent morals, and their mentality cleansed of the darkness of corrupting ideas and the unworthy traits of the ill-bred, and upright minds may receive the frill benefits that accrue from a sane training...Our aim is that from reading these articles they may at one and the same time derive pleasure and enjoyment and amusement on the one hand, and linguistic accomplishment and lofty ideas, on the other.

Towards the end of his life, Sarshar went to live in Hyderabad, which was in those days a great centre of Urdu language and literature. According to his own account, published in Kashmir Prakash of March 1899:

About four years ago I went to Madras as a member of the Congress (the Madras session of the Indian National Congress was held in 1894) and from there my good fortune brought me to Hyderahad, Deccan. Prominent Hindus and Muslims welcomed me enthusiastically as did the public at large. Maharaja Kishan Parshad, the Nizam’s Minister for the Army and a former Prime Minister, appointed me at a salary of Rs 200 a month to correct his poems and prose.

Sarshar spent the last few years of his life in Hyderabad as the literary mentor of Maharaja Kishan Parshad. He brought out a literary journal called Dabdaba-i-Asafia at the same time. A novel, Chanchal Nar, began to be serialised in this magazine, but was never finished. The Nizam also patronised Sarshar.

Apart from being a foremost prose writer of his days, Sarshar was also a distinguished poet. His poetic theme is love, but he has written on other subject as well. His best known poem  is his masnavi ‘Tohfa-I-Sarshar’ which he wrote to quell the outcry of orthodox Kashmiri Brahmins against the visit to England of his friend Bishan Naryan Dar, a barrister. In this long poem Sarshar makes fun of the Pandits who wanted to boycott Bishan Narayan Dar because he had dared to cross the seven-seas.

Sarshar died at the age of 55 or 56-his end being hastened by his addiction to drink. He had himself confessed:

Peene pe jab ate hain phir bas nahin karte,

Maikhana me sunte nahin Sarshar kiseeki.

(Once he strats drinking, he won’t stop. In the drinking house Sarshar doesn’t listen to anyone).

Firoze Mookerjee appropriately devotes considerable space in her book to Lucknow of Sarshar’s days, which had inspired most of his work. There is an informative chapter on the prose narrative tradition inherited by Sarshar, which he developed further, giving it a modern trend. All of his main works have been discussed by the author of the book, as also his minor novels and his role as a translator. In conclusion, Feroze Mookerjee says:

When we review the course of Sarshar’s development as a writer, we see at once that the key period extends from  1878 to 1890. In the course of these twelve years as he progresses from the stage of Fasana Azad,  a stage in which, though closely tied to the old tradition, he is grafting on to it the new modes of writing which characterise the moden novel, to the stage where in Jam-I-Sarshar and Sair-I-Kohsar, he has all but severed his ties with the old and practically completed a transition to the new. After that the trend is reversed, and already in Kamini, he is in many respects back behind the starting point which Fasana Azad represented. Yet, taken as a whole, his writing represents a great step forward in the development of Urdu prose and fiction.

Firoze Mookerjee draws pointed attention to Sarshar’s striking attitude to women:

Above all, he is a champion of women’s rights. More than any other Urdu