EDITORIAL

Selective Transparency

Transparency in counter-insurgency operations in a democratic society cannot be faulted. But the handling of Pathribal probe and its subsequent politicisation by the ruling National Conference raises serious questions particularly when Dr Abdullah happens to be the head of the Unified Command as well. Populist gimmicks which caste aspertions on the security forces can derail the counter-insurgency efforts.

The State government has been found wanting in discharging its responsibilities both before and after the Chattisinghpora massacre. A month before the mayhem many Sikh delegations had called on the Union Home Minister and the State Governor to apprise them about the threats Sikhs were facing from the militants.

The Pandian Commission report has not established the innocence in militancy of the persons killed at Pathribal. It has only said that people killed there were not foreign mercenaries, as claimed by a section of the security forces. The report also doesn't mention that Pathribal killings and Chattisinghpora massacre were the outcome of a single conspiracy. It is significant that the Commission has exonerated both SP-SOG and SHO Achhabal, the two key officers linked to Pathribal killings. There are many other loose ends in the report in view of the limited terms of reference set for it.

Why then has the Farooq government gone overboard in hailing the Pandian report' Its posturings on the report and the decision to recall justice Pandian for investigating the Chattisinghpora massacre have been exploited by the separatist leadership and ISI to unleash a barrage of mischievous propaganda against the Indian security forces. They are trying to invent a new mythology that would link all the massacres in the state to Indian security forces. Also the selective overplaying of the CRPF firing factor during Amarnath Yatra has not helped the nationalist effort either.

National Conference has always revelled in playing the game of political expediency. It is trying to play the 'Muslim Card' when the elections to the assembly are drawing nearer. The totally hostile attitude towards the dispossessed Kashmiri Pandit community needs to be viewed in the same context.

The Central government under the constitution bears overall responsibility for maintaining the national security. It must send a firm message to the politicians in the Kashmir valley that the country will not countenance any politics that complicates the security scenario. The Centre must also ask the State government to get all the massacres to in the state investigated under broader terms of reference. On its part it can set the ball rolling by releasing the long-awaited Shanker Sen report on Wandhama massacre. Selective transparency is not in the national interests. It can prove counter-productive.

NC Unfolds a New Phase of Pandit Destablisation

Displaced Students Strike Enters Third Month

Special Correspondent

It may well flare up into a worst confrontation between the displaced Kashmiri Pandits and National Conference government in the state. The entire displaced population in Jammu is gradually waking up to the implications of the government decision and the motivation behind it, by virtue of which the camp colleges for displaced students in Jammu have been merged with the Jammu University. The summer zone or sub-registry of Kashmir University under which these colleges and the post graduate courses functioned has been brought to closure. The displaced students have rejected this government decision and sought its revocation.

To ensure the same they have gone on an indeffinite strike which has entered the 70th day. The relay hunger strike of the students in front of Divisional Commissioner's office has completed a month and with the joining of the entire Kashmiri Pandit leadership in the strike and the expressed support from all the political parties other than NC for the student, demand, the issue is gradually snowballing into a major confrontation between the students and the government. On the surface the government decision appears to be a simple administrative measure but a close scrutiny reveals a political dimension which is nothing but sinisterous.

In the year 1990, subsequent to the internal displacement of the entire Kashmiri Pandit population, three colleges called 'camp colleges' were established in Jammu city to cater to the educational needs of the displaced students from the Valley. Due to the absence of adequate educational facilities in the Jammu region and the escalation of ethnic and regional tensions these camp colleges were not put under the jurisdiction of the University Jammu

However, these colleges for a long time could not persue their normal academic curriculum. This was primarily because the decision making apparatus for these camp colleges which functioned from Kashmir University in the trouble torn valley was both non-functional due to the situation there and also nursed a venegeful communal hostility towards the displaced students. There was no fixed term, no certainty, no regularity of holding examination. Results were declared after inordinate long gaps of time thus taking heavy toll of the students. Absence of proper library and Lab facilities and lack of adequate staff created more problems. Even for minor decisions the camp colleges had to wait for indeffinite time for administration in Kashmir University, Displaced Kashmiri Pandits anticipated such pitfalls of having camp colleges in Jammu functioning under a hostile administrative machinery operating from Valley. They, however were not well versed with the negative fallout of these camp colleges being put under the jurisdiction of Jammu University such as the potential of escalation of regional and ethnic tensions in Jammu both inherent in such a decision as well as artificially manipulated. Precisely for these reasons some displaced Kashmiri Pandit organisations initially demanded an arrangement of education for their students under the aegis of Jammu University. However the totality of the situation was soon grasped by them and henceforth the entire spectrum of Pandit Organisations sought an arrangement of camp colleges under Kashmir University but with an autonomous administrative set up based in Jammu which could take decisions like conduct of examination, declaration of results etc at proper times. Intriguingly since the inception of camp colleges in 1990 till 1998 no such decision was taken by the state government and the displaced students had to persevere the total uncertainty of their academic cirriculum. On an average a student completed one years' course in two to three years leading to crippling of their academic carriers. The community leadership pleaded their case persistently with the State government, Central government as well as National Human Rights Commission. This effort ultimately led to the decision by the State government to establish a semi-autonomous sub-registry or a summur zone of Kashmir University in Jammu and place the camp colleges under its jurisdiction. Since this administrative set up was equipped to take decisions about conduct of examination, declaration of results, developing basic minimum infrastructure for running of camp colleges and starting post-graduate classes for the eligible displaced students, the problem of the displaced students had been resolved to a large extent. There were no inordinate delays in the conduct of examinations or declaration of results.

The special arrangement of selecting displaced students for post-graduate courses had brought about a relief to the students. For last two years the system was functioning smoothly and unnecessary friction with the interests of local students had been eliminated. Then suddenly and intriguingly this year after the academic sessions in the camp colleges had started as per schedule and months of academic activity had already been accomplished, the State government declared that they were closing the office of the sub-registry of Kashmir University in Jammu.

Why has the State government dismantled a set up which was created after lot of effort, hastles and struggle by the students and was functioning smoothly to the satisfaction of all' The state administration his so far offered a singular explanation for its decision of merger of the camp colleges with the Jammu University. "We have taken this decision in fact at the behest of displaced community. It has been their demand for a long time to be adjusted with the Jammu University." This explanation appears ridiculous in the light of the facts of the evolution of camp colleges as mentioned above. For all these years the State government stubbornly refused to take a measure which at some time might have brought some relief to students but has no relevance now.

In fact after the establishment of sub-registry of Kashmir University in Jammu and its satisfactory functioning for last two years the decision to abolish this arrangement has many dangerous ramification now. Not only the new uncertainty it has caused for the displace student, the decision tentamounts to destroying some of the few arrangements which the State government had created for displaced community after a lot of reluctance. The decision politically has also the potential to pit the interests of the displaced community against the students of Jammu. The displaced students opine that even if a special reservation is ensured for the displaced students in Jammu University for post-graduate courses the same is bound to arouse bitterness amongst Jammu students over the long run, which they want to avoid at all costs.

The decision also appears paradoxical in the light of NC government's resolve to ensure return of Kashmiri Pandits. The arrangements whereby camp colleges worked under the jurisdiction of Kashmir University acted as an important emotional link between the displaced community and the Kashmir valley. "It is virtual religious cleansing of the academic fraternity of Kashmir University. This decision has ensured the total Muslimisation of Kashmir University", says one of the displaced teachers.

The differences in the curriculum of Kashmir University and Jammu University also point out that the closure of the camp colleges under Kashmir University at the middle of a session is least motivated by administrative considerations. The subjects offered by Kashmir University and Jammu University for post-graduate studies vary significantly. There are also significant differences in the syllabii of the two universities.

Looking at some other similar decisions taken by the State government vis-a-vis the displaced Kashmiri Pandits a strange type of political sadism appears to have gripped the ruling NC government. The State government despite the court order to maintain a status quo has already decided to close the camp college of Regional Engineering College Srinagar in Jammu. While these efforts appear to indicate that the State government has diluted its commitment for return of Kashmiri Pandits to Valley and is envisaging their permanent stay in Jammu, the government order to stop the pay of the migrant employees of J&K Cement Corporation and order them to join duties in Valley appears more cynical. The most intriguing is the decision of the State government to cancel all arrangements of security and accommodation for those Kashmiri Pandit employees who have continued to work in the Valley. "It appear that the State government more than pursuing any administrative logic is taking decisions after decisions vis-a-vis the displaced Kashmiri Pandit to bring about their physical as well as psychological destabilization. The attitude of the State government borders on some sort of selective attrition," a political scientist of Jammu University commented.

Recently the J&K High Court upheld the plea of the Ghandhi Memorial College to be treated at par with other government aided institutions and ordered the release of the financial aid to the college by the government. The order has not been implements for around six months now and even a contempt petition is pending now in the court. Such attitude and the other decisions as discussed here have alarmed the displaced community significantly. They view the decision of the State government regarding the camp college in the broader context of their experience with the State government. "This decision is a test case for government to judge our reaction. The actual aim is to create conditions to push us out of Jammu as well," opine community leaders. There is a general impression that NC is persuing an agenda of political Vendetta against a community which has stubbornly opposed its political views.

Recently the government has started offering another explanation for their decision. 'The number of displaced students going to camp colleges is drying up. So there will be no feeder schools for the camp colleges," remarked the Divisional Commissioner in his meeting with the representatives of camp colleges. A closer study of the situation reveals another picture which brings to light the human angle of the problem. All the camp schools which operate in constructed buildings and have some basic infrastructural facilities are functioning well with adequate number of students. However those camp schools which have to operate in open air during blistering heat, the number of students is going down. 'How can young students opt for such schools where they have to read in open during summer. We have many cases of boys fainting and getting heat strokes during summer. Even the facility of water is not available," explained a teacher in a camp schools. As per reports State government is envisaging closure the camp schools and the decision is kept in abeyance pending the outcome of students strike END

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Indian Muslims make Kashmir a Muslim problem

KS Correspondent

Is Kashmir a Muslim problem' At least a section f Indian Muslim intellectuals, holding views ranging from left to frank communalism believe so. While rabidly fundamentalist outfits like students' Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) have been collaborating with Kashmiri terrorists openly, Muslim intellectuals and political leaders of India are busy lobbying for support for communal demands of Kashmiri Muslims.

Messers Shahbuddin, editor Muslim India, Wazahat Habibullah, a bureaucrat, and Mushir-ul-Hassan, who subscribes to the nationalist school of historiography hold virtually identical views on Kashmir. These views are far removed from the nationalist consensus on Kashmir.

Syed Shahbuddin in a recent statement came out openly in support of the separatist demand of autonomy, a demand voice by a section of Kashmiri Sunnis. While pleading for homeland, he claimed autonomy would protect the larger interests of Kashmiris, but refused to elaborate how. In the month of June he visited Kashmir and at the end of his 5-days "fact finding" visit asserted "we (Indian Muslims) have three relations with you (Kashmiris), humanitarian, religious and the same citizenship". Syed Shahabuddin also claimed that he would try to rope in Muslim organisations like Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, Muslim Majlis Mashawarat, All India Milli Council, All India Muslim Personal Law Board and Jamiat-e-Islami Hind for mobilising support for Kashmiris.

Mr Wajahat Habibullah, a bureaucrat in J&K Cadre and presently Director Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration, Musoorie in an interview with a national daily pleaded the National Conference line. He claimed that revival of discussion on the autonomy issue would pave way for return of peace in Kashmir. Mr Habibullah, while lobbying support for National Conference said, "the autonomy resolution could be open to criticism, but you can discuss it, debate it and talk about it to generate public opinion. Moreover the fact that we are acceded to India is inherent in the resolution itself". By limiting the relationship between India and Kashmir to just instrument of accession, Muslim leaders are trying to undermine the closer integration. This has been the long-standing demand of Kashmiri separatists. Mr Habibullah also criticized dialogue with Hizb and said it was unfortunate that immediately after the rejection of the J&K resolution, the Centre shifted the focus to Hizbul instead of keeping the discussion on autonomy issue. He added worse was the feeling among Kashmiris that both India and Pakistan are fighting for Kashmir for its strategic location.

In another development Prof Mushirul Hassan, is organising a symposium on solutions to Kashmir problem in Jamia Milia under the aegis of Institute of Third World Studies on November 10, 11. In this seminar all the three presentations are by Muslim scholars. They are Dr Mohd Ishaq Khan (Kashmir University), a strong supporter of autonomy, Dr Aijaz Ahmed, a Marxist-turned pro-autonomist, has been pleading for autonomy to Kashmiri Muslims in the columns of Frontline, a fortnightly published from Chennai. The third speaker is MJ Akbar, a close friend of Dr Farooq Abdullah. The keynote address, as per programme, will be delivered by Mr Salman Haider, a former foreign secretary.

Non-Muslim invitees have been asked only to send questions. It is a matter of concern because Mr Haider and Mr Habibullah have been manning senior positions in the Indian state END

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Colonel Bhagwan Singh-A character profile

By K Brahma Singh

One tends to feel somewhat awkward while writing in praise of his own father. So is it with me as I write about my father late Lieutenant Colonel Bhagwan Singh who passed away recently after leading a useful life spanning nearly ninety-five years. However, the thought that I might be failing in my duty to the society if I do not highlight some of the rare character qualities that my father possessed, and which could well act as a model for the present generation to emulate, goads me on. I, as his son, owe this responsibility to the society even more so, as Colonel Bhagwan Singh was not a public figure about who much would be known already to most people. No doubt both during his service in the Army as well as during his life as a civilian after retirement, he had established an enduring reputation of being a man of high principles, but time had begun to take its toll and though Colonel Bhagwan Singh had kept his name in circulation right up to the last years of his life through his writings on current social and political topics, people who knew him for his great strength of character became fewer and fewer as his generation started giving place to the new. There is, therefore, the need to record some of the events from Colonel Bhagwan Singh's life which reflect an ideal combination of honesty, truthfulness, moral excellence, determination, perserverance, professional competence, self confidence, courage of conviction and fearlessness, so that they are not lost to posterity. The fact that Colonel Bhagwan Singh led a successful life without ever compromising on his principles makes him a source of encouragement to those who seem to believe that character and principles do not pay in life.

Colonel Bhagwan Singh was a Karma Yogi in the truest sense, being bothered only about his Karma and not the fruit. His motto was "Trust in God and do the right" and he did exactly that. During his military service professional competence, acquired through hard work, sharp intellect and the great urge to excel in whatever he did, was his hallmark. The urge to excel did not, however, stem from a desire for self-aggrandizement in competition with own State Force officers. His target was the British officer who during the days of the Raj, considered himself far above the Indian officer and farther still above the State Force officer. That was the time when the British would not allow Indians to assume independent command of even their own troops, let alone command British or other foreign troops. While Indian commissioned officers in the Indian Army were not promoted to ranks where they could claim independent command, the State Forces officers who held higher ranks were prevented from taking command of their troops by attacking a specified number of British officers with State Forces units, when operating out side their states--ostensibly as advisors but in practice as de facto commanders, with powers to remove the de jure State Force commanding officer from command. Such British officers, known as Special Service Officers (SSOs), were attached with the Ist Jammu and Kashmir Mountain Batery also as it proceeded to the Middle East, under the command of Colonel (then Major) Bhagwan Singh, to participate in the Second World War. Colonel Bhagwan Singh, however, would not accept the humiliating situation and refused to grant to the senior SSO a position any more than an advisor and even that while retaining his prerogative of accepting or rejecting any such advice--the SSO's powers to remove him from command notwithstanding. In the confrontation with the SSO that ensued, Colonel Bhagwan Singh fought his case before the highest military authority in the Middle East and in a display of great strength of conviction, supreme moral courage, and extreme self confidence borne out of professional competence par excellence, he secured the removal of the SSOs from his Battery to become the first Indian to command a unit in war independently and free of British officers. The achievement of Colonel Bhagwan Singh would appear all the more exhilarating considering the fat that he fought the case of official British discrimination against State Forces officers, (who were at that time the only Indian officers who could stake their claim to command on the basis of their seniority), single-handed and without support from the State, as the British had got all the Princes (including our own) to accept the humiliating situation that their officers were faced with.

After getting command of his own troops, Colonel Bhagwan Singh strove for and succeeded in being given command over British, Australian and French troops that were attached to the J&K Battery from time to time. Colonel Bhagwan Singh then went on to command his unit in war with great distinction and earn laurels for himself, the State and the Country, too numerous to be recounted here. It would suffice to say that his achievements were greatly appreciated as much by the British themselves as by the Maharaja, who not only granted him accelerated promotion but also conferred on him a gallantry award in the form of a Jagir. It is a matter of great shame that Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, who had himself expressed his deep appreciation of Colonel Bhagwan Singh's achievements on his return to the State, resumed this gallantry award immediately on heading the first popular government in the State, if only to spite the Maharaja.

On reverting to civil life Colonel Bhagwan Singh came to be generally accepted by the people of Jammu as a man of principles and high moral values, though the more mundane among them may have at times considered him to be rigid, unbending and less worldly. He was known to have preferred waiting for ten long years for getting his pension case settled to getting it done immediately by bribing some one. Most social and political organisations were, consequently, keen to have him with them to be able to present a clean image of themselves. He did join some social organisations but they soon found him too hot to handle and had him eased out as eagerly as they had tried to get him in. Moral of the story: corruption and clean image cannot coexist. Colonel Bhagwan Singh, however, never joined any political party although he had many offers, particularly from the Praja Parishad/Jan Sangh/BJP with whom his views generally tallied. Because of his clean image he was even offered the party ticket for the Parliamentary seat during the time of the Janata wave when winning in the election would not have been much of a problem for an opponent of the ruling party but he refused it. Not that he was not interested in politics, but because he wished to play the role of a watch-dog of democracy and did not wish to restrict his thinking to conform to any party lines. This role he performed very well and even as he invaiably voted for the opposition, he wrote fearlessly and scathingly against the ruling party in the State in national and local dailies/periodicals. His comments on autonomy in response to an article written by the noted journalist Mr BG Verghese in support of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's demand, both of which appeared in the Hindustan Times in 1972, marked, perhaps, the first voice of opposition to the autonomy theory at a a time when most people, including those in the government, were going head over heels to appease the Sheikh. His book on Political Conspiracies of Kashmir (Life and Light Pulishers, Rohtak, 1973), also touched on topics that were under taboo in those days--as they are even today to some extent. Colonel Bhagwan Singh was in fact a man of very strong convictions who gave full expression to his views in a forthright and fearless manner.

Standing 5ft 10in tall, with handsome looks, robust physique, and a strong character, Colonel Bhagwan Singh, indeed, presented a dominating personality. He was a great sportsman in his younger days and distinguished himself in every game that he played, but more so in Hockey, Football, Tennis, Billiards and Polo. What was, however, most remarkable and amazing about him was his ability to do nearly every thing, resulting from his analytic mind, tremendous self-confidence and commonsense. Apart from being a prolific writer (English) and also bit of a poet (Urdu), he was a plumber, carpenter, mason, painter, tailor, embroiderer, and an electician, all rolled into one, with fair degree of proficiency in each of thse professions.

He remained a strict teetotaler as a matter of strong conviction, much against the army environment of those days. Even in parties hosted by the Maharaja, to which he was frequently invited after his return from the War, he would not drink nor was he ever asked by the Maharaja to do so--such was the Maharaja's regard for this man of principles END

News-brief

Kashmiri traders involved in fake currency racket

KS Correspondent

A report appearing in the Nepalese daily, Kathmandu Post says that many Kashmiri traders are involved in fake currency racket in Nepal. The Nepalese police have arrested 27 Kashmiri businessmen recently and detained them in secret detention centres. Ten of them were released after a week. Nepal has been serving as a base for Kashmiri terrorists and the separatists have been exfiltrating and infiltrating Nepal without any hindrance from the Nepalese authorities END

Army calls the bluff at Beerwah

KS Correspondent

Army has called the bluff of State Police by providing hard evidence about internal subversion in Beerwah camp attack. On September 11 night Lashkar-e-Toiba had carried out an attack on Beerwah army camp, in which fifteen soldiers were killed. The causalities included a Major as well. This incident had led to bitterness between the troops and the police, with Army suspecting the police behind the attack.

Suspecting subversion from within, 34-Rashtriya Rifles carried out identification parade from neighbouring police station and jawans of the CRPF. Army had a strong belief that local police sheltered the militants, who carried out the attack. CRPF, J&K Police and state administration lodged a strong protest against the Army for conducting identification parade of their forces. The police even lodged a FIR against Col. T.Shashidaran of 34 RR for ordering crackdown. Army, however, remained undeterred and carried out investigation.

Finally it turned out that two ISI moles in State Police were behind the attack. They were identified as Mushtaq Ahmed Sheikh and his sister Shafiqa, both Special Police Officials (SPOs). The two had acted as guides to terrorists during the attack. Mushtaq was a surrendered militant and he had been working for the Special Operation Group (SOG), Budgam. As per police sources, many SPOs were recruited from among the surrendered militants and they continue to work for militants as well.

On Oct 2 evening, the troops received information about the presence of a militant at village Sel. As troops laid the cordon around the house, the militant fired from inside the house. Then going down to the first floor, he started firing on the troops. The troops retaliated but the militant managed to escape. Locals identified the militant as Mushtaq Ahmed. He had been earlier arrested in an abduction case.

Later, during search, the Army seized some arms and ammunition, including two disposable rockets. The rockets and IEDs were hidden under the floor of the house. The IEDs went off when troops tried to defuse it. Besides these, troops also recovered some fake currency notes, a film roll and three police uniforms. After developing the film roll, Army ground both the SPOs holding assault rifles and grenade launcher attachments along with some other militants. One of the militants standing along with the SPOs was identified as Riyaz Ahmad Dar of Sel. A diary was also seized from the house of Mushtaq, which revealed details, including telephone numbers of many officials. An FIR has since been lodged with Beerwah police station in this regard. This incident highlights how difficult is the situation in which the army is operating. Anti-national elements, with their deep tentacles in the local administration have been relentlessly pursuing the gameplan of making Army the victim of a disinformation campaign END

India seeks Israeli expertise in CI strategy

KS Correspondent

Mandarins in Delhi have finally woken up to the fact that our border management and counter terrorism strategy needs fine tuning. A team of top security experts from Israel, led by Eli Katzir of the counter-terrorism combat unit of the Israeli. PMO visited Srinagar in last week of September. The team studied the deployment, operations and border management polices of the armed forces in Kashmir. Israel is going to supply highly sophisticated ground sensors, to be installed at borders. This will help in cutting down the cost of policing the borders. The IAF has also ordered purchase of Phalcon airborne early warning systems. The military is negotiating among other things, anti ballistic radar systems END

'I have lost my beautiful abode', says Bekas

KS Correspondent

SRINAGAR, Oct 8: The ace broadcaster of yesteryears, and poet, Makhan Lal Bekas reflected his inner most feelings, here at a two-day Kashmiri Conference convened by Lal Ded Foundation. Unlike his other Pandit colleagues, Bekas refused to gloss over the reality that he has been thrown out from his homeland through an act of ethnic cleansing. Bekas recited at the function a poem, written before migration. He said he has left writing poetry as a protest because he has lost his land-Kashmir.

Bekas said migration was very painful and he lost his abode. In a choked voice, he lamented, "I have stopped writing. I felt that there is no fun in continuing my writing because I have lost my beautiful abode. I am living the life of a migrant"

LETTERS

Open Letter to Mr Advani

Sir,

I am surprised at your statement "I wanted to quit after yatri killings" (H.T. of 14th. Oct) Men of your stature either resign or they do not resign. They do not offer to quit and then be "persuaded to stay on." There are gimmicks of lesser men. I also do not agree with the congressmen who told you privately that if you had resigned it would have been the victory of the killers. On the other hand if you had resigned you would have shaken the nation out of its slumber. I am most disappointed. However, all this is behind you. You have also said" the lowest point of my tenure came when you heard about the killings of Amarnath Yatris". May I with all my humility ask--what have you done about it after that' You undertook a rathyatra from Kanya Kumari to Ayodhaya for Ram Janamabhoomi-a very soft route. How about a Rathyatra on the Amarnath route from Banihal Tunnel to Panchterni. Face the threats which the yatris faced.

Immediately after this massacre came another challenge. A brigadier-brigade commandant was killed by the militants and the forces were not allowed retributions. See what the Israilies are doing after losing two soldiers. Was the recent visit of the high ups to Israel just a jaunt' Have they learnt nothing. I agree the army have their limitations. The locals are not helpful in giving information. Guerillas can be fought only by guerillas. I admired the Bihari Yatri who faced the TV camera squarely and said that he was not daunted by the killings. He will continue the yatra and if in process he can deal with even militants his aim in life will be achieved. Settle men like him around the Holy Shrines, give them arms, support them all along the Yatra route all the year round and they will protect the yatris better than the army and the local police who in any case are with the militants. This will be cheap proxy war answer to the Paki brand of cheap proxy war. Give it a thought. Now is the time.

 --S.D. Khanna.

Hauz Khas, New Delhi

"Indian State is in conflict with its own civilisation"

M.K.Teng

We reproduce here the key-note address delivered by Prof MK Teng at the convention organised by Panun Kashmir and NS Kashmiri Research Institute to commemorate this years Kashmiri Pandit Balidan Divas (Martyr's Day) at Abhinav Theatre Jammu. The day was observed as the day of 'Asmita' to highlight the importance of preservation of Kashmiri Pandit cultural identity, image and voice.

Preface to the keynote address delivered by Dr. M.K. Teng:

Due to the liberalist moorings of the English speaking Indian intellectual class, which flourished with the consolidation of the British power in India, the Indian historiography followed a methodology, which in the ultimate analysis reflected an ideological commitment to liberalist reformism. The Indian renaissance performed the most vital task of the assertion of the Sanskrit identity of India which formed the foreground of the Indian nationalism . Starchey's definition of India as a "geographical expression" was basic to the claim of the legitimacy of the British rule for the 'geographical expression" negated the national identity of India and its right to unity.

The Indian intellectual class which directed the Indian national movement followed Strachey's negativism for the British and the Muslims in India, from whom the British had inherited power. This class visualised India as a special plurality which could not claim a national unity as the basis of its independence. Liberal reformism could not visualise Indian unity as an expression of its civilisational content. The Muslims and the Christians, could not accept Sanskrit civilisation as the basis of their participation in an independent India. The Indian intellectual class, under the leadership of Congress set out in search of a unity in diversity, rejecting the Sanskrit substratum of the Indian civilisation as the basis of the Indian nationhood. The Indian emphasis on unity in diversity, deepened the ethno-centric conflict in the Indian political culture and when the British left, the Muslim also joined them to leave India.

The time has arrived to re-emphasis the basic current of the Indian renaissance and redefine the basis of the Indian identity. India continues to be visualised as a geographical identity and not as a national unity based on its own civilisational content, because, the Indian intellectual class is still trapped in the reformism of the British liberal tradition. The only way, therefore, for India to unite into a nation, is to of find the roots of its identity.

Key Note Address

Ladies and Gentlemen

I express my gratitude to the chairman N.S. Kashmir Research Institute and the Chairman Panun Kashmir for having invited me to deliver the keynote address of the procedings today.

There is an urgency to rediscover the identity of the Hindus of Kashmir. In fact there is an urgency to rediscover the identity of the Hindus in India. In the liberation struggle of India the Muslim separatist movement rejected the identity and the unity of the Indian nation. The rootless English-speaking intellectual class of India, which led the Indian movement for liberation, disowned the Indian renaissance because the Muslims rejected it.

The British recognised the Muslim claim to a separate nation. The Indian leaders claimed a national unity based upon the diversity of India. In the process both Gandhi and Nehru and the other leaders of the Indian independence movement diluted both the unity of the Indian nation as well as its Sanskrit content.

Jammu and Kashmir is part of the national identity of India, which is Sanskrit in origin and Sanskrit in content. India is in the midst of a civilisational war. The expansion of the Muslim power to the east will ultimately depend upon the de-Sanskritisation of the northern frontier of India, more specifically the warm Himalayan hinterland, of which Jammu and Kashmir forms the central spur.

Committed to the unity and the Sanskrit foundations of their heritage the Hindus in Kashmir have always formed the frontline of the resistance against the Muslim crusade. They fought against Muslim separatism in India before the independence of the country. They fought, with determined resolution, against Pakistan and the Muslim secessionist movement inside the State, after freedom came to India.

The Hindus of Kashmir are an ancient people. They form an inseparable part of the history of the Sanskrit civilisation of India. The contours of their identity are determined heritage. Their social culture is proto-Vedic. Their language has origin in the proto-vedic. Their ritual culture is Sanskrit. The Hindus of Kashmir are a part of the Sanskrit people of India.

The Hindus of Kashmir are of proto-Aryan origin and have lived in Kashmir from times, which began with the Bruzahom civilisation between 3500 to 4500 BC, far before the Aryans and presumed to have invaded India. The skeletons found at Burzahom in Srinagar are of the people, were the ancestors of the people who live in northern India today. I saw the skeletons with my own eyes. I had no doubt who they were. The anthropometric survey corroborated the fact that the people, who lived at Burzahom, were of proto-Aryan origin.

Kashmir and Jammu including Ladakh, perhaps with the region extending to the Indo-Ganetic plains formed the part of the Aryan heartland. The truth must be told and it is better that it is told by us. The Hindus of Kashmir are no imposters. They never descended on the Karewas of the Kashmir valley from the oblivion of the north. They grew from the soil of Kashmir and had their birth in it.

The posterity of the Burzahom Aryans, lived in Kashmir, through ages down to our own time. The Nagas and the Pisachas were no aborigines. They were also people of Sanskrit origin. They were no more ancient than the Burzahom people. They were their descendents and inheritors of the Burzahom culture. Their ritual forms were adopted from the Vedic Kalpa-Sutra and the Vedic Grah-Sutra. They followed Vedic Karma-Kanda which Laugaksh Muni evolved in the first millennium before Christ, which represented the zenith of the Neelmat era.

The Hindus of Kashmir became an epicenter of the Sanskrit civilisation of India. To them goes the credit of evolving the tenents of Shiavite Monism. Shiavite Monism represented both a theological doctrine aimed to achieve recognition of a unified field of universal existence and a philosophical concept of logical positivism. The recognition of eternal consciousness, of which universal existence was an expression, was the greatest gift of the Hindus of Kashmir to the Sanskrit civilisation of India. Shiavite monism grew out of 'Advaita in which, time and space vanished with the end of human consciousness. Shiavite monism transcended the limitations of human consciousness and the relativism of time and space.

The Hindus of Kashmir Sanskritised the Himalayas and a great part of Asia beyond.

Sarvastavadin Budhism filled the Hinyan nihilism with the immortality of the Budhisatva and the foundation of its being by the mother goddess Tara. Sarvastin Budhsim was evolved in Kashmir and was spread by the Kashmiri Pandit masters of Budhism to Tibet, Central Asia, Mongolia and part of Western China. The Hindus of Kashmir founded a script for both the Tibetan as well as the Mongolian language on the basis of linguistic sociology of Sharda. The Budhist theocracy of Tibet was founded by Kashmiri Pandits, who reached Mongolia in the time of the great Chengis Khan.

The Hindus of Kashmir are not a part of the so-called composite culture of Kashmir. Islamic Sufism did not represent with cultural and the spiritual ethos of Kashmir. It represented the liberal theology of Islam, which did not accept coexistence of a composite culture. Sufism did not grow in Kashmir. Kashmir was never an abode of Rishis of the Sufi order, as is claimed. Lallshari represented the last resistance to the persecution and the ethnic extermination which the Hindus were subjected to in her time.

India is not a geographical expression. It is a unity of people with a universal civilisational ethos which has grown through the millennia of the Indian history. The unity of India is not synonymous with unity in diversity.

As a matter fact, the emphasis laid on unity in diversity during the liberation movement in India led straight to the division of the country.

The propagation of the sub-national diversity of India was a subtle design to undermine the Sanskrit foundations of the nation of India. The creation of Pakistan was the first phase of the conspiracy.

Neither Gandhi nor Nehru resisted the conspiracy. They failed to realise the fundamental conflict inherent in the claim to unity in diversity and what they called the composite culture. Their acceptance of diversity as a basis of Indian unity drove them straight to the partition of India and the creation of the Muslim state of Pakistan. After the partition, the insistence of the Indian leaders on the unity in diversity confronted them with the first phase of the Muslim crusade in Jammu and Kashmir.

Hidden under the cover of the composite culture of India is the civilisational conflict, which seeks the de-Sanskritisation of the northern India to open the way for the Muslim power to expand eastward. The attempts to recreate the identity of Jammu and Kashmir in Sufism, is a subtler plot to dilute the boundaries and the content of the Sanskrit civilisation of Kashmir. From Kashmir the Muslim crusade has spread to Jammu and Ladakh, which form the two major bulwarks of the Sanskrit civilisation of the Northern India. Sanskrit Himalayas are impregnable. If the warm Himalayan hinterland is de-Sanskritised the Muslim power will spread over the whole of the north of India. The Indian state will ignore the warning at its own perils.

Committed to the Sanskrit foundations of their heritage, the Hindus of Kashmir have formed the frontline of resistances against the Muslim crusade. They fought with bare teeth against Muslim separatism in India before independence. They fought with determined resolution against Pakistan and the Muslim secessionist movements after freedom came to India.

A new phase of struggle has begun for them now. They must apprise the people of India that the Indian state does not recognise the civilisational unity of India. The Indian people must be told that if the Indian state repudiates the Sanskrit basis of the Indian society, it will disintegrate. The state of India which is in conflict with its civilisation will not survive. The Indian state will not be able face the Muslim crusade without a civilisational face END

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The Role of Para-Military Forces in Countering the Terrorist Challenges in India within the overall Security Strategy

By Prakash Singh

Terrorism has spread far and wide in different parts of the world. It has made a profound impact on India also. We have had (and continue to have) terrorism of the tribals in the North-East, of the Naxalites in Andhra and Bihar particularly, of the separatists in Punjab and the militants in Kashmir. On a conservative estimate, about 40,000 lives are believed to have been lost in the terrorist incidents in different parts of the country. We lost a Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi), an ex-Prime Minister (Rajiv Gandhi) and a former Army Chief (General Vaidya).

The responsibility for the maintenance of law and order, under the Constitution, vests in the state governments. Unfortunately, however, there has been over the years a gradual erosion in the striking power of the state police forces. A number of factors have contributed to this phenomenon. There have been no reforms in the police. On the contrary, there has been increasing politicization of the force. What is worse, there is now a growing nexus between the politicians, criminals and the civil servants and policemen. As a result, we have the strange spectacle of law enforcement agencies not being able to cope with even routine law and order duties. Dealing with motivated and well equipped terrorists becomes well nigh an impossible proposition.

In such a scenario, the paramilitary forces naturally get sucked into all kinds of internal security situations. We find them assisting the state police forces during agitations, demonstrations, religious festivals, communal riots and elections. The state police forces consider it a matter of right to call for the paramilitary forces while dealing with terrorists. There is no gainsaying that terrorists are a tough lot and require specialised handling. It should nevertheless be possible for the state police forces to deal with minor terrorist groups like those of the Marxist-Leninists and any other formations which have a regional complexion only. The terrorist movement in Punjab and militancy in Kashmir are of course in a different category. Even in these areas, the problem would perhaps not have assumed such serious dimensions if the first symptoms had been dealt with firmly. In any case, without going deeper into this question of handling or mishandling of terrorist problem while it is still in embryonic stage, let it be conceded that there was and is adequate justification for the induction of paramilitary forces in the kind of situations that obtained in Punjab and continues to prevail in Kashmir.

The paramilitary forces were raised at different periods of time for specified purposes. The Border Security Force (BSF) was raised as an Armed Force of the Union by amalgamating 25 battalions of various States Armed Police Forces in the wake of the border incursions that preceded the Indo-Pak War in 1965. It was designed essentially to guard the frontiers of the country and assist the Army during war time. The Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), which was originally the "Crown Representative's Police" was renamed as the Central Reserve Police Force on December 28, 1949. Its basic role is that of a striking reserve to be placed at the disposal of States/UTs for operations of short duration and return to the barracks once the task is accomplished. The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) was raised in 1962 in the wake of the Sino-Indian Conflict to guard the Indo-Tibetan border from the Karakoram Pass in J&K to Lipulekh Pass in UP. The Assam Rifles' charter is to ensure security of the North-Eastern sector of the international border and maintain law and order in the tribal areas of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram and Manipur. The National Security Guard (NSG) was raised to neutralise terrorist threat in any specified area and to handle hijack situation involving piracy in the air and on land. The Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) is meant primarily to provide security to the industrial undertakings owned by the Central government.

It would thus appear that only the Assam Rifles and the NSG had terrorism as a component in their charter of duties. We find however that the Border Security Force, the CRPF and the ITBP have all been extensively utilized in anti-terrorist operations in different theaters. The seriousness of the situation and the inability of the state forces left the Union government with no option but to deploy these forces to face the challenges posed by the separatist and secessionist terrorist groups.

The Border Security Force has been deployed to deal with the internal security situation in the north-east and is bearing the brunt of insurgency in the urban areas of J&K. According to the latest figures available, 269 Coys (out of total of 942 Coys) of the BSF are today committed on internal security duties in different areas. Earlier, when terrorism was at its peak in Punjab, the BSF was deployed in strength in anti-terrorist operations in that state.

The CRPF has unfortunately lost its reserve character due to prolonged deployment in operational areas. It is estimated that more than 98 per cent of the force is deployed on the ground and out of this total 88 per cent is in the active theatres of North-East, J&K, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar.

The ITBP was deployed in Punjab during the worst phase of terrorism in that State. Though a good part of the Force was utilized for guarding the banks in the wake of incidents involving looting of banks by the terrorists. The Assam Rifles bore the initial onslaught of the Chinese aggression during the Sino-Indian Conflict (1962) and held on until the Army was able to take up positions. The force has played a significant role in counter-insurgency operations in Nagaland and Manipur, particularly during the wars in 1965 and 1971, when the Army was withdrawan from these states. The NSG is the country's elite paramilitary unit. It was put to good use in Punjab against the terrorist. Of late, however, the force has unfortunately been deployed more to protect the VIPs than to uphold the country's vital interests in areas affected by terrorism.

The paramilitary forces are experiencing certain difficulties in performing their mandated role. These are briefly as follows:

*the forces are diverted from their primary role

*the bulk of the forces are deployed with the result that there are no reserve for training

*overstretching the forces is having an adverse effect on their discipline and morale

*overlapping responsibilities are given to different paramilitary formations

*routine jobs are given to CPMFs with the state police forces abdicating their responsibilities

*lack of coordination at the apex between the CPMFs and the state police forces.

The paramilitary forces have an undoubted role in dealing with security situations, particularly in areas affected by terrorism and insurgency. It is however essential that the state police forces are revitalized and given the necessary training and equipment so that they are able to deal with the situations and there is no undue dependence on the central paramilitary forces. The force level of the CPMFs should also be suitably augmented so that the prescribed minimum reserves are available for training.

There are reports in the media that the four paramilitary forces, namely the BSF, CRPF, ITBP and CISF are to be brought under a unified command. The details are not available but we would have to guard against the temptation to raise mega forces. The BSF has already a strength of 157 battalions while the CRPF has grown to a strength of 137 battalions. Combining them in any form would create more problems than help in resolving any. What is important is that the forces are utilized for the purposes for which they were raised, ensure that any diversion from their mandated role takes place under compelling circumstances and for a limited duration only and reducing, if not eliminating altogether, the political considerations in the diversion of forces, and augmenting their strength to an optimum level where they are able to deal with the problems and challenges they have to face without adversely affecting their training, discipline and moraler

*The author retired as DG BSF. His works on naxalite movement and north-east establish him as a creative thinker on national security END

The Science Of Spirituality

By Dwarkanath Munshi

'Intriguing and even mystifying' is the first reaction to the title of the book. But the reader soon feels comfortable with what he/she is served in simple and seemingly familiar words and expressions.

What the author sets out to achieve, however, is to explain in detail how the state and style of religion, philosophy and science, as he sees the truth is in confusion and has failed to answer convincingly human-kinds' external questions of the purpose and meaning of life.

One of the prime concerns of the author is to draw a clear distinction between religion and spirituality. In his view, religion is based upon a man's attempt to discover the quintessential truth about himself and the universe. This of course is a very generous description in polite terms. Religion today is no longer pure theology. Its pull arises, for the most part, from the deep-seated aspirations in the human being for a prolonged enjoyment of every material possession. And he seeks it through the path of codes, conventions and propitiations laid out therein to reach God.

For the uninitiated, only his own religion is the true guide. Today's religion thus divides, circumscribes, limits, even cripples the flight of mind and dims the light thereof.

Religions have been governed by tradition and are preoccupied with statements and observations by prophets and other authorities about truth rather than truth itself. In short we are confused. The book strives to examine the causes and dispel the confusion.

Spirituality on the other hand sheds off this blind faith. This other path leads to "ultimate bliss" through self-abidance and "consciousness". This path holds the prospect of uniting and liberating human kind and giving the mind immensely powerful wings of flight to infinity and thought and deed in the search for truth. It modernises the old ways of accepting religion. That is what the Science of Spirituality explains, asserting that it fuses the faith of religion, the synthetic view of philosophy and the rationalization of science. It further avers that the new science of spirituality, built on the 'debris and ruins' of the old religions, would develop over time to meet the needs of human kind.

The author goes on to offer the concepts and theories of the phenomenon. Yet in his characteristic humility, he promptly disclaims any originality emphasizing that he has only picked it up from existing sources. He is also open to reviewing or even demolishing his assertions and theories if found weak or inadequate.

The book is what may be called a mono-discussion, starting with "Reality" whose nature and purpose can never be known except that one could perceive what is 'truth' which also can contain errors of perception.

As the discussion progresses, the subtleties and intricacies of the author's thoughts and ideas unfold what he has felt and experienced over the years of introspection, which keep deepening but lead on the reader in curiosity and novelty of the subject.

That it may be an audacious effort to walk over areas where angels may fear to tread so to say. Yet one is tempted to add here that 'only one who has studied can teach and only one who has acquired can give'.

The overall result is nonetheless, stimulating in that you see a refreshing, even though at places a fairly complex approach to age-old concepts, attributes, faiths, expressions and definitions. Here is presented a novel face of the science of spirituality with its own vocabulary and hypothesis, smoothly progressing through arguments and definite opinions, graphics and equations to a wholly new set of conclusions.

"Consciousness" is one of the cardinal aspects of the theory which is averred to be a state of 'dynamic awareness' at different levels-spiritual, intellectual, emotional, vital and gross. That is the real stuff of the universe. The theory claims that each individual should achieve a dynamic equilibrium-and has chalked out a path for it "for restoring sanity". It is a conglomerate concept made up of awareness, existence, bliss, light, knowledge and creativity.

Rising to ever higher levels of awareness, one can see one's identity with the Cosmic Consciousness. Human beings acquire different attributes at different levels of consciousness. This is achieved by continued transcendence or dissolution of the circumscribing thoughtfield. At the superconscious stage, the author holds, the person would be commanding extraordinary positive powers. A totally original concept offered by the author relates to control of thought to create "thoughtonous" analogues to e.g. protons of amazing powers of travelling in time and space. The style throughout is of a talented knowledgeable teacher, talking to a class, taking good care that it be all intelligible to the audience. Like Rapid Readers for examinations, the book explains much complexity in simple modern terms.

Shri Kaw is a reputed writer. His sweep is over vast and varied subjects-poetry English and Hindi, fiction, short stories, one Act plays, et.al. One of his collection of his essays is a best selling ribtickeling as well as thought-provoking humour, pregnant and profound, boldly presenting his own tribe in "Bureaucratzy" (presently he holds with distinction the topmost administrative position of secretary in the Union Ministry of Education).

The Science of Spirituality is by any standard a path-breaking "dream of a future world where the present preoccupations of sex, food, money, power will give way to art and music, philosophy and spirituality", a truly futuristic offering, which is Shri Kaw's own words he "launches on the human consciousness".

His youthful visage screens a sober, mature, sharp intellect. However, he accepts or at least does not disapprove to be called a "pioneer". Yet he wears the celebrity status and spectacular band rather nonchalantly. Having grown up in a middle class family with siblings equally gifted in their own lines, there is a palpable reserve about him, as if he should succeed at a higher level but should not appear to stand out from the rest.

A book no seeker of serious knowledge can afford to miss END

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Harappan-Aryan Myth

By Dr. M.K. Teng

Methodologically, the analysis of linkages of between archeology and an ideology of history may appear to be serious work of research, but ultimately it is only, one of thos many attempts to distort Indian history by various techniques of logical reductionism. The pre-supposition of a Harappan-Aryan debate, hings on the British historiographic assumption of a civilisational conflict, which the Aryan race movement in India generated. Mortimer wheeler, dazed by this stanctural formats of the Sind Valley Civilisation and their historical antecedents, could not imagine the sequences of events which led to the growth of the Harappan civilization, except in the conceptual formats of the race movements across Asia, the liberalist reformism envisioned.

The attempt made by scholars of Indian history to use the Indian media, for a projection of the Indian past, provides good reading but in essence it is a preposterous combination of archeologist evidence and paradigms of approach to the study of history, built around an irrational urge to deny the continuity in Indian history and its civilisational identity. A psychologist complex of fear, haunts the mind of the Indian historian that the acceptance of the continuity of the India history and its civilisational identity would necessitate the reconstruction of the Indian history in the context of its Sanskrit content.

The Aryan myth was a part of the sociology of the race movement and the ideological and moral commitment to formulate premises that racial differences were fundamental to the growth of human civilisation. The sediments of a civilisational history bear evidence of the racial characteristics presumed to provide clues to the analysis of the levels of its culture. The myth that Aryans considered themselves to be superior to the Authroloid and proto-Austraoloid stock of the Indian population, is also a projection of the British liberalist reformism. That caste had its origin in the social differention between the Nordic invaders and the Austroloid and proto-Autroloid survivors on the India sub-continent has its roots in the presumption that race movements were ideologically oriented. An attempt is made with deliberate intent to ignore and leave out of reckoning the race-movement of the Western-Brachycephlic Alpinoid peoples, across the north of India, spreading down to Bengal. The Alpinoids disappeared and are now extinct as a separate raceist identity, but their acculturation in India had a deep impact on the social patterns into which the Indian civilisation grew. Possibly a study of such acculturation would explain the western Bracky-cephlitic presence in northern India.

Ideological conflict dominates the study of Indian history for their are visible trends in historiography in India to prove that Indian culture was an extension of the civilisational process of the Occient, where divinity had ordained the reality of an ominipotent masculine God, who determined the legitimacy of human action. The claim to the closer proximity of the Sind civilisation to the civilizational, has an ideological thrust to Occidentalise the Harappan culture. Having grown along the river Saraswati or the Sind, is only important in so-far as it establishes the proximity of Sind Valley civilisation to the Middle East, to prove that the civilisational process of the Harappan culture was not Indian and it had a plural origin.

Not far off from the remains of the Harapan culture in the upper reaches of the Shivaliks, across the Pir Panjal mountain range, the worship of the Mother Goddess, Bhawani had already achieved a systemic shape with a basic sub-stratism of Shakht, which the mesopotamian civilisation did not envision, and which later florished in the Shiavite monism of the Trika, in the Kashmri valley. In the Sind valley cilivisation, figures of Goddesses were found and a representation similar to the Pashupati was also found, with the types of ornaments, which were strictly native and which had a ritual texture close to the Vedic ritual system.

The later Neolothic culture at Burzaham in the Kashmir valley, populated by people of the Aryan stock. The chalcolithic revolution in the Burzaham civilisation came about, in the begining of the period of the Nilmat Puran in Kashmir, undoubtedly by its contact with the Sind valley. The ritual culture which grew in Kashmir in the Nilmah era, was the negotiation of the masculine God of the Occident.

The Harappan culture and the myth of its civilisational conflict with the Aryans requires to be analysed by new and more sophisticated tools and techniques of history Linguistic sociology and the analysis of ritual culture and social anthropology provide as vital data on history as archeology does. The neolithic culture, which flourished in Kashmir along the river Vitasta (Jehlum) and which formed the ground work of the Shahkt-Shiva ritual structure, must be studied more intensively, to understand the contours and content of the Sind valley civilisation and its alignments with, the Aryan people END

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How Kashmiri Pandits Preserved Painting

By P.N. Kachroo (Artist)

The Kashmiri painters, in their heyday of estab lished movements had chiseled and garnished a style based on the traditions of Harvan formalism and Baroque of Wushkar school and contented with their philosophic thought. The chromatically decorative element composed with spatially organised figurative symbols constituted the great Kashmir murals, of which the majestic but lingering appearance still stands in the monasteries of Alchi in Ladakh, waiting pathetically for its demise. Further, the style was subtly and sensitively ornamented with the linear sensibilities observed in Mathura and Pala schools while their seasonal sojourns and pilgrimages.

Hordes of such aesthetes and creators went out in the company of eminent and propagating Kashmiri scholars under numerous leading painters like Hasuraj and lead their artistic movement as far as into Tibet, while contributing to the establishment of themes of Buddhistic Mahayana-Vajrayana in Central Asian regions.

The barbaric and devastative onslaught of Islamic iconoclasm, ushered in early thirteenth century, which vandalized, ignited and razed to ground all the monumental edifices and temples of national sanctity along with the invaluable and creative wall frescoes, murals and gold gilt paintings. The examples are still lingering over the mud walls of monasteries of Alchi. Consequent to this the Kashmiri painter suffered a deep cultural shock and a grievous starvation for means and methods of expression. But, as always like a typical Pandit he not only survived the shock but came up with an alternative equipment that did not only bring forth but strengthened and energized the Kashmir miniaturist movement. Thus the base for expression shifted from monumental areas and structures to portable areas of Burjapatras and home made papers. This altnerative means for expression did not only safeguard the continuance of his creativity secretly, but also made it easy for him to carry his masterpieces in case of his migration to seek shelter for his life. This physical fanning out widened the field of diffusion for the Kashmir style, leaving behind the pieces of master--expression not only in neighbouring Himachal principalities but in places of pilgrimage like Kurukshetra, Vrindavan, Haridwar and in as far away places as Sangam and Varanasi.

During the transitory periods of peace in the Valley the customary pilgrimages, particularly in winters, had taken the shape of an intensified yatra of Sthanapatis (Thanapti) from numerous religio-cultural centers like Jeshtheswara, Martand (Matan) and Vijeyashwra (Vejabror). This would compensate their prevailing penury through annual visitations to their Jajmans living in various Indian principalities. These hordes of migratory Brahmins were joined by numerous painters, calligraphers and scribes who, in their search for economic survival, would move from village to village, particularly in neighbouring outer Himalayas and Punjab. The numerous groups of scribes and painters would drop themselves in a nearby Sarai of a town at its outskirts and then fan out in the alleys of township and would hawk and call Muratgarh! Chitragarh! Likhari! In later periods of Indian Muslim rule their calls changed into Mussavir, Katib, Mussavir-mi-Katib, the painter and scribe together.

In absence of printing technology the profession of a scribe and book illuminator proved to be an indispensable profession that kept the starving Brahmin and painter wedded to his staunch faith and philosopy. He would hawk in the various lanes of Indian settlements and would transcribe and illumine the various tattering Pothis and manuscripts. It has become customary for every household to provide these pundits free quantities of oil, besides their wages, so that they could finish their job by burning the midnight oil. The wandering Pandits would pack up their bundles the moment their job would finish, and would move to another Sarai and seek out their job for transcription and illumination. At the advent of spring time, in case the situation permitted, these groups would return to the Valley to spend their summer time with their kin and families.

Various collectors and research scholars, particularly Swiss, German and American teams and organisations have collected a sizable number of such manuscripts and Pothis from various Indian townships, scribed and painted by these wandering pilgrims of culture who have fanned out the aesthetic elements of Kashmir school to wider areas of the subcontinent. Recently, one of the most creative collections of a high aesthetic order lying now in the Museum Reitburg, Zurich from Alice Boner collection of Switzerland, has been published by these authorities. This is one of the finest collections of Kashmir school, depicting the various forms of Shakti as interpreted through the creative forms of Kashmir Miniaturist movement end

Recruitment in Central Services-and Sheikh's bogey

Special Correspondent

By September 1951, Sheikh Abdullah had made up his mind to undermine the accession. The idea of a "free and independent" Kashmir infatuated him. He was raking up phoney issues to communalise the situation and distance Kashmiris from India. He humiliated national stalwarts and delivered inflammatory speeches in July 1953 at Mujahid Manzil, Khanyar, Ganderbal and RS Pura.

Sheikh Abdullah created serious controversies over issues concerning installation of a Radio transmitter and recruitment in Central government services. Nationalist leadership of that time preferred to underplay Sheikh Abdullah's negative role and communal stances. Much of the confidential correspondence between Sheikh Abdullah and nationalist leaders has not seen the light of the day for obvious reasons. Had all such documents been made public, Sheikh Abdullah's negative role and communal outlook would have stood exposed before the nation and the international opinion.

By not doing so, Indian position was undermined and India had to defend Kashmir from a reactive mode. Similar to its approach today on countering disinformation campaign on human rights launched by moles of ISI and western agencies, Indian leadership remained on defensive in 1953 and did not expose the gameplan of Sheikh Abdullah in communalising the issues. Its fallout has been that even Maulana Azad and well-informed Journalists like Mr Saeed Naqvi have believed in Sheikh's propaganda.

Why was Sheikh Abdullah raking up the issue of alleged discrimination in recruitment of Kashmiri Muslims in Central government services. How far were they keen in serving in Central services' If Kashmiri Muslims were not interested in joining Central services, then why was Sheikh Abdullah raising the bogey' Why did Sheikh Abdullah raise the issue in 1953 and not in 1951, when the selections were first made' He was utilising this issue to counter Praja Parishad movement and also to loosen links with India. Even in Maharaja's time P&T department was with the British government. Sheikh's argument that it was magnamity on his part to hand over this department to Central government looked ridiculous.

When Sheikh raised the issue of recruitment in P&T, Maulana Azad wrote two letters to Nehru, without seeking details about it. He wanted to build a case for alleged discrimination against Indian Muslims by citing the argument of Sheikh Abdullah. Azad wrote that "fifty-three persons from J&K apply for a clerical post and only one is appointed--the rest are from outside the state". In another letter written around same time Azad quotes Sheikh Abdullah "jobs are given only to non-Muslims. Recently an examination was held for the recruitment of clerks in the northern circle--3 Muslims were recruited".

In 1994-1995 two senior Muslim Journalists underplayed the involvement of Kashmiri elite in Pakistan's proxy war and tried to rationalise its anti-India campaign by arguing that the Kashmiri Muslim protest was built on genuine grievances of discrimination in Central services. Mr Naqvi quoted the above mentioned letters of Azad to add the ring of history to his argument.

The readjustment of P&T employees from the area which now constitutes Pakistan, in Kashmir division was a different problem altogether. In Kashmir there were no vacancies as no Muslim employees opted for Pakistan. Kashmir was under Punjab circle, headquartered at Ambala. Its other divisions were Kangra, Amritsar and Simla. In other divisions, many Muslim employees migrated to Pakistan, leaving behind vacancies. Kashmir division had surplus staff, as it had to absorb employees who were serving in PoK on the eve of partition. Infact, for quite some time this staff remained unadjusted. Whenever, some vacancy became available this migrant staff categorised as 'A' filled the post.

P&T department conducted two tests, one in 1950-51 and second in 1953 for selection of clerks in P&T department (Northern Circle). The advertisement clearly specified that vacancies were for other divisions and not Kashmir. Three preferences were asked. There was proper advertisement in Tribune and local Kashmir vernacular papers like Martand, Hamdard and Khidmat. Selection was purely on the basis of examination, and merit.

This was the period, when Kashmir Muslims had enough opportunities to serve in state services, thanks to Abdullah's new policy. Since recruitment in Central services meant serving outside also, no Muslim was willing to opt for it.

Also, as compared to Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits were better qualified. Matriculate Muslims had to compete with better qualified Pandits (BA).

Moreover, Kashmiri Hindus faced strong discrimination from the newly installed regime of Sheikh Abdullah. The doors of state services were virtually closed to them. It has been so well-documented by Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz. They strained every nerve to qualify the test.

In both these selection tests, all the non-Muslim candidates selected were posted to Kangra, Ambala, Simla and Amritsar circles. They continued to serve there till 1964, when reorganisation of P&T circle Ambala took place. No outsider was appointed in Kashmir. There was recruitment bar for appointments in Kashmir division, because of overstaffing.

The department worked out a policy to adjust the surplus staff. In 'A' category were those migrant employees who had remained unadjusted for quite sometime. In the group 'B' were those people, who were adjusted temporarily in some other circles of Punjab. Thus whenever a new vacancy was created, Kashmir Postal Division had to adjust this old staff. Practically, very few appointments took place in Kashmir division between 1947-62.

In 1954, under pressure from the State government, the State Chief Secretary Ghulam Ahmed Shontho (previously Accountant General, J&K State) was made incharge of the selection process for recruitment of postal officials in J&K State. The only other member of the selection body was SSP, (P&T) Srinagar, Mr Deendayalan. This was a unique instance of its kind, where state chief secretary selected officials on behalf of Post Master General. In 1961-62, a post was created for SSP Jammu. In 1966, J&K circle came into existence, with its own director.

Gh Ahmed Shontho, known for his extremely parochial views violated all norms and undermined the efficiency of the postal system in Kashmir. During his time around 15-20 officials were selected, with only two of them being Kashmiri Pandits.

Such was the deterioration in the postal department that in 1962 for as many as twenty-eight days no mail was opened. PMG, Ambala circle, Mr Sajdani took up the matter with Union Home Ministry and Director General P&T. He demanded for the posting of Punjab-trained people to Kashmir

The State government, on instructions from Shonthoo continued to oppose return of Kashmiri officials posted in Jammu. The department, unwilling to enter into controversy with the arrogant chief secretary, first brought these employees from Punjab to Jammu and later on to Srinagar, when J&K circle was created. Recruitment process was again taken over by the P&T department.

There were two types of selections for officials--one on the basis of matriculation merit for recruiting postal clerks and second on the basis of open examination for selecting lower division clerks in the circle office.

Unscrupulous politicians have been trying to communalise the issue of recruitment in Central services for their own nefarious ends and to subserve their communal mind set. They are infact the people, who have been fanning hatred for India among Kashmiris

Playwrighting in Kashmir

By Sh. M.L. Kemmu

Kashmir had a rich tradition of writing plays and performing them in Sanskrit from 2nd Century A.D to 12th Century A.D, side by side there were numerous Natya-Charyas professing in Natya and galaxy of scholars writing commentories on Bharata's Natya Shastra, most authentic being 'Abhinav Bharati' by Abhinava Gupta Acharya (10th Century A.D.), Vide Sholok No: 16 of second Tarang of Rajtarangini, Kalhan informs us that there lived Chandrak Kavi during 2nd Century A.D. who wrote plays of sorts for people of all castes and creeds. Kalhan considers him incarnation of Vyas Muni, writer of Mahabharata. In Abhinava Bharati, Abhinava Guptacharya writes that Chandrak wrote Rupakas in Sanskrit language of Rodra and Veer Rasas. One can assume that Chandrak must have remained most popular playwright of his times. Some of the Sholokas from his plays are quoted in Commentories and manuscripts of Khemendra and Srivara. It is really unfortunate that the plays written by Chandrak Kavi are not available to us. Yashoverman of Kashmir is also mentioned as Playwright. Shiva Swami was one of the important poets during the reign of Avantivarman. Besides Mahakavyas he had written Prakaran and Natikas. Shyamalik was another Kashmiri poet who had written a Bana type of play, 'Padtadik'. He lived during 5th century. Bana is always humorous and full of satire. It has only one character who narates, and acts through question-answer style. Any actor playing a Bana should be a verstile one in his art. He has to keep the audience fully involved in what he narrates, acts and describes. It is monologue as well as mono-acting. Till date we have only four Banas in Sanskrit language available to us known as Chaturbani, the Padtadik is the earliest one among them.

Kshemendra (990-1065 A.D.) who is considered people's poet, had written three plays, Lalit Ratan Mala, based on Udayan story of Brahat Katha, Kanak Janaki, based on Ramayana episode, Chitra Bharat, based on some story of Mahabharata. Unfortunately these plays have not reached us till date. He himself quotes certain sholokas from these plays in his extant work, Kavi Kanthabaran. It seems that these plays were Uparupakas (Natikas) of Shringar and Veer Rasa. Bilhana (1028-1090 A.D.) was a poet of eminence and is famous for his Historical Mahakavya Vikramankh-devcharitam. He has written a 4 act Natika known as Karn Sundari. The influence of Kalidasa's Malvika Agnimitram and Harshas Ratnavali is markedly seen on the Natika. Its main Rasa is Shringar. A Sanskrit play, 'Prabhavati Pradyuman Natakam' had come to light, which after getting printed in the Press, was never released by the Research and Publication Department, J&K Govt, Srinagar. Because after Late PN Pushp there was no Director of eminence to head the department and carry on research work particularly on Sanskrit and Sharada manuscripts.

While praising the women of Kashmir, Bilhana says that in Natya Prayog (Theatrical performances), they excel Apsaras of Heaven such as Rambha, Chitralekha and Urvashi. Even if it may be considered nostalgic exaggerated statement, yet it reveals that women were acting, and taking part in theatrical performances.

Vishnodharmotar Puran and Nilamat Puranas written before 7th Century are very important to know about socio-cultural life in Kashmir and its surroundings. V.D. Purana in one of its chapters describes importance of Fine Arts, ten kinds of Rupakas, Mudras of Dance, Music, Aesthetics etc. etc. It is encylopeadic work concerning all the branches of knowledge and is a source book of importance. So is Nilmatpuran for Kashmir studies. According to Nilmata Purana there is no festival of importance complete without theatrical performances, music or dance. This markedly shows that people were real patrons of arts and Natas (Actors) and Ranga Jeevina (People associated with theatre) were given their due share of produce, clothes and money as Prekhsha Danam. Therefore, some kind of plays were written and enacted on these occasions. Budh Purnima, Krishan Janamshtami, and festivals connected with Lord Shiva were celebrated and some sort of Theatrical activity was also associated with these festivals. Therefore, one can say that Jataka tales, Shiva Leelas and later on Leelas connected with Lord Krishna and Rama were also enacted on such occasions. Since all such occasions were celebrated by the people the play scripts written and performed were not preserved in the hope of writing a new one on the next occasion. This is true even nowadays, when some one writes play, or a rough sketch and the same is later on improvised by the actors on their own. Those of the plays which were written by known poets and writers were totally according to the rules of Natya Shastra or at times modified innovations, or total rejection for expressing some philosophical point of view like Agamadambaram of Jayant Bhat (850-902 A.D.)

Jayant Bhat's play is in four acts but cannot be termed Natak-Rupaka set forth by Shastras. It presents different schools of Philosophy as were prevalent during Shankar Verman's time in Kashmir. The scene of the play is Srinagar and the place Ranaswamin Temple in the IVth Act. Four schools of thought discussed in the play are Baudha, the Arhata and the Charvak; the mimansaks and the Nyaya (including Shaiva); and Agama (Panchratra). The hero of the play is neither any king, Devta or Heroic Person but a Snataka, who has completed his studies. There is no heroine and Vidushaka in the play. It defies the norms of Bharat Natya Shastra as well, and the Sutradhara of the play expresses doubt that experts of dramatery may find fault with the play but it has been brought to him by the pupil of Jayant Bhata for performance and they comprise the audience hence lets the students of Nyaya see the play.

During King Kalsha's reign, low music styles (Upang Geet) were introduced and patronized and Playwrighting received very little attention. Some Prabandh and Charit Kavyas were written and perhaps actors produced and presented on stage exhibiting their talent at singing.

During Zain-ul-Abdin Badshah's time a Charita in Kashmiri was written by Uttasom for performance. Srivera in his Rajtarangini writes, "that Yodhabhatta is a poet in the vernacular language-viz; Kashmiri, and composed drama, pure like a mirror called the Jain Prakasha in which he gave an account of the King." These are not extant. Kashmir has seen many a turbulent times after 12th century, attacks, forced conversions, floods, raids, fires and epidemics from time to time and this has resulted in the loss of Books, manuscripts and play-scripts. Yet the most powerful theatrical form of folk theatre, once known as Bhand Natyam has somehow survived. We call it Bhand Pathar. Even during the Muslim rule, Bhands were the popular entertainers. They were roaming ministrels, not only in the Valley of Kashmir, but also used to cross Pir Panchal range and perform in Jammu, Himachal, Punjab and other areas entertaining people through their humorous plays.

With the spread of modern education and establishment of Institutions in the early years of 20th century plays began to be staged by students in Colleges but it was once a couple of years affair. It was during the celebrations of coronation of Maharaja Hari Singh in 1924-25 that Elfred Company of Bombay was invited to present its plays in Jammu in the open at Purani Mandi for the public. After having seen the plays the then Maharaja Pratap Singh desired to have a local company of actors to produce and present the plays for the people of the state in Srinagar and Jammu.

Thereafter, The Amateur Dramatic Company was formed under the Patronage of Maharaja and plays of Agha Hashar Kashmiri, Betab and other writers in Urdu were presented year after year at Srinagar and Jammu. The plays written in Parsi style like, 'Bilwa Mangal' Surdas, Mahabharat, Bewafa Katil, Khoobsoorat Bala, Yahoodi Ki Larki, Veer Abhimanyu, Achut Kanya and Danveer Karan were produced and presented for about twelve years till 1937. The Amateur Dramatic Club was dominated by Government Officials and Tankhahdaar actors. Other Theatrical Companies were also formed by enthusiasts at Srinagar one after the other presenting the same Betab and Agha Hashir's plays but they performed at Baramulla, and Anantnag as well.

The first Kashmiri, play was written by Shri Nand Lal Koul 'Nana' in the same Parsi Style in 1929 and was produced the next year in the heart of the City of Srinagar. It was based on the famous Puranic tale of Satya Harishchander and was named 'Satach Kahvat' Nana wrote a few more plays, 'Dayi Lol', 'Ramun Raj', 'Prahlad Bhagat' and according to GMD Sufi, all these plays were published. Out of these it is Satich Kahvat which was staged by many a groups till 1955. Dina Nath 'Madrer' and Sudhama Ji Koul were later playwrights who wrote plays in this style but never published them. Shri JN Wali wrote a play about Habakhatoon entitled 'zoon' and this was published in 1950. Shri Tara Chand 'Bismil' was another Kashmiri poet playwright who wrote 'Satach Wath' Akanandun and Ram Avtar out of which 'Satich Wath' was published and staged a number of times by local amateur theatre groups. On the foot prints of Parsi style, Kashmiri plays based on Puranic tales, such as Prahlad, Satyavaan Savitri, Krishan Janam, Shankar Parvati, Tapasya, Shiv Lagan' were presented at Raghunath Mandir, Fateh Kadal, Chotta Bazar, Rainawari, Sheetal Nath, Baramulla, Anantnag, Mattan and Chattabal till 1955 at different interval of times.

During the forties of last century, some amateur groups were formed and few Kashmiri plays based on social themes were produced one after the other. Shri Triloki Nath Vaishnavi Rafeeq wrote two plays in Kashmiri but the titles were in Hindi such as 'Chitar', 'Samaj Ki Bhool'. 'Vidhya' was another play which was produced prior to independence. It was directed by Shri Mohan Lal Aima, who himself acted the main role against Vidhwa and composed its music. Shri Sarwanand Bhan was a Sports and Cultural Enthusiast. He used to encourage young poets-writers and make them to evolve a play on any burning social topic till an improvised version of the play would emerge. 'Aulad' and other plays were written and presented under his guidance. Those days both play-wrighting and production were result of collective efforts of writers, poets, actors, musicians and theatre enthusiasts. The dialogues were written in simple prose and delivered in realistic style instead of 'Blood and Thunder' style as was in vogue in Parsi Urdu style. The songs were composed on popular filmi tunes. The role of Manzimyore (Middleman arranging marriages) was acted by late TN Tapiloo, late SN Sumbli and Pushkar Bhan, in different productions.

Soon after Kabali raid in 1947 some of the prominent poets, writers, artists and theatrists united themselves under Cultural Front which focussed local issues through their plays and songs. Working scripts for stage performances were written and improvised by the performers. The Cultural Front, later turned into Cultural Conference, emphasised progressive trends and brought young writers and theatre artists into its fold and an awakening to create peoples theatre to present local issues on stage through short musicals and open air performances. Most of the artists and performers associated with the Conference got appointed in Radio Kashmir, Srinagar and writing for stage received a jolt but for very short time.

Shri Dina Nath 'Nadim wrote his first Kashmiri Opera 'Bombur Yambarzal' in 1953, which was produced the same year and presented at the Nedous Hotel and SP College Hall. He wrote 'Heemal Nagirai' with Noor Mohammad 'Roshan' in 1956 which was presented at Hazooribagh Open Air Theatre constructed for the purpose by Jashan-e-Kashmir Committee. Both these operas were directed by Shri Mohan Lal Aima. He also composed music and some songs proved so popular that these are sung even now, with vigour, interest and involvement.

Three Kashmiri plays written by late Ali Mohd Lone, Shri Amin Kamil and Noor Mohammad Roshan were published by the State Information department during these very years. The plays related to the floods--their effects and devastation, and measures to control it with peoples involvement. Out of these only one 'Wiz Chi Saney' by late Ali Mohammad Lone was presented through State Cultural Conference in different villages. Shows were government sponsored.

Till 1960 there were only a couple of writers writing for the stage but the scenario completely changed from 1962 with the construction of Tagore Hall in Srinagar. Now a proscinium theatre with modern lighting system was available for state performances. Simulatenoulsy with the establishment of J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages in 1958 the theatre activity remained dull till 1964 when Drama Competitions/Festivals became annual feature both in Srinagar and Jammu. Academy also conducted Theatre Workshops from 1970 and Playwrighting workshop thereafter. More than a dozen playwrights emerged and their plays were enacted in the festivals and Tagore Hall became a centre of activity.

Ali Mohammad Lone and Pushkar Bhan were regularly writing Radio Plays, Shri Lone adapted a few Russian plays in Urdu and later on began to write in Kashmiri, first for radio and thereafter for stage. After Wiz Chi Saney, he wrote Suya as Radio Play in Urdu and later on re-adopted it for stage in Kashmiri in an elaborate way. His Taqdeersaaz exposes the socio political beahaviour of Free Thinkers of Society for personal gains and ambitions, simple hypocrisy. Suya is a historical play in which Sutradhar is an associate character from begining to end. Durlabh Pandit is his third play in Kashmiri, a character play.

Pushkar Bhan wrote a serial of plays entitled Machamma-on unemployed youth, having fantastic dreams to serve his parents but fails at every attempt to attain his ambitions. It was only "Hero Machamma" which was staged a couple of times and Abhinav Bharati's production ran for 25 nights. Bhan wrote several plays in collaboration with late Shri Som Nath Sadhu, such as Chapath, Grand Rehearsal. Besides being humorous, these are social and reformist in content.

Sajood Sailani has been constantly writing for both Radio and Stage. His Shihul Naar, Rata Kreel, Gata Reni, Ropyi Rood, Kajey Raat Gashi Taruk and Utra Buniyul remained successful on stage for their being mixture of fantasy, humour and pungent.

Avtar Krishen Rahbar, virtually a short story writer began to write plays first for Radio and then adapting them for stage. His plays were mostly on current topics concerning society such as Bu Chus Choor, Aulad, Talash, Vola-Harish, etc. He could not bring out any collection till date and these plays remained dramatic exercises. He wrote a play on "Budshah" as well.

Prof Hari Krishen Koul has written "Dastar", a humorous character play, "Yeli Wattan Khur Chu Yivan", a social play about present day family crisis and "Natuk Kariv Band", an experimental play.

Mohammad Subhan Bhagat, a Bhand artist, wrote Taqdeer, Yeti Chu Banawavun, Poz Apuz, three rural plays and Kani Shechey, Mantini Legi Panzoo and other plays in Kashmiri folk style. Now Ghulam Rasool Bhagatyar has brought out his collection of folk plays, "Civil Kina Sarkari' in 1996.

Moti Lal Kemu started writing plays at an advanced age first in Hindi and later on in Kashmiri. He has so far brought out 8 collections of plays, out of which Trunove, Tshai, Lal Bo Drayas Lol Re, Natak Truche and Tota Te Aina have won him awards. His Dakh Yeli Tsalan after being translated into Hindi was produced by the National School of Drama Repertory Company entitled 'Bhand Duhayee' and its 34 shows have been presented till date at Delhi, Bhopal, Calcutta and other cities.

Ghulam Rasool Santosh (late), a poet and playwright was also first writing for the Radio and thereafter adapted his plays for Stage. His Akanandun, But Ta Buldozer were staged.

Shri Radha Krishen Braroo has written two Kashmiri plays in Folk Style, Yahoo and Reshivar--

Shri Ashok Kak has recently brought out his collection of plays Sath Sodur and he is some times seen to get them enacted.

During the last century there were vividly four trends, in Kashmiri play-wrighting musical operas like Bombur Yamberzal and Vitasta, Folk style plays like Manzil Niku, Haram Khanuk Aina, Mangai, Mantini Legi Panzoo etc, experimental like But Ta Buldozer, Lal Bo Drayas Lol Re, Natuk Kariva Band, Chare-Pathar, Comic-humorous with social content like Chapath, Grand Rehearsal, Kane Shaicha Ropyee Rood etc.

The militancy in 1989 gave a final blow to all this activity. Tagore Hall was damaged with grenades and bombs. Best of the playwrights, actors, theatrists were part of the exodus of 1990 and got scattered in the country.

During its journey of 70 years Kashmiri playwrighting attained its high and low standard and some of the plays were translated into Hindi as well. So far about 25 books of Kashmiri plays, (3 one act collections included) are published in Kashmiri. Unfortunately, during the last century all the stageable plays were not published and preserved with loyalty perhaps because neither there is book purchasing public around nor regular theatre activity. so in view, after all a play is to be enacted on stage for people. A playwright has to tred a long distance to attract and inspire the actors to choose his play for production so that the audiences share aesthetic experience.

Kashmiri is a spoken language since 8/9th century and has its literary masterpieces too. Even after 54 years of independence Kashmiri language is neither a medium of instruction in Kashmir nor taught as a subject in schools though it has been recognised by the Constitution of India and is placed sixth in the 8th schedule. All the dailies in Kashmir are published in Urdu and English and none in Kashmiri. The State Academy runs two Institutes of Music and Fine Arts, one each at Jammu and Srinagar but has no plans to teach Dramatics.

Kashmir is facing a proxy war and attempts are being made to destroy the very Kashmiri ethos. When there are no actors, no theatre groups and readers, for whom should a playwright write' When government is not interested in running a Theatre Arts Institute and preserve and promote the traditional Bhand Pathar, how much time it will take to get extinct' When the Media programmes are attacking the very roots of rural and traditional cutlure, can our folk culture and theatre survive' Yes mediocre writing for TV and Radio will attract the writers as long as money is readily available for writing. But writing for theatre will be a talk of the past end

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Kashmir--The Summer of 2000

By Sunil Bhat

This summer, first time after our exodus, I saw my homeland, Kashmir again. On 2nd of July, myself and my family left Jammu for Srinagar in a bus. I was quite apprehensive all along the journey. As we passed through the Jawahar tunnel, my elder son, feeling overawed by its length, asked fenagging questions dictated by curiosity, quite common at that age.

After we crossed the tunnel, I was overjoyed to see the picturesque Valley opening up before me once again. My children had only heard about Kashmir. They were born in Jammu. It thrilled me as I related the beauty of Kashmir to them.

Kashmir was before us in full bloom, with its orchards of Apple, Pear trees, Walnuts hanging down, majestic chinars offering their shadow, tall poplars and vast paddy fields. Kashmir's specific birds also appeared every now and then. I recalled how I was part of the same environ only a decade back.

It was evening time, when we touched the Indira Nagar locality of Srinagar. My brother-in-law had arranged house of one Mr Sultan for our stay. When I woke up the next morning, I felt even the sleep here was quite different. We visited Zeethiyar temple. It gave a unique feeling, which only comes at such holy places. In the afternoon we visited the Lal Chowk area.

In the evening, my friend Jiganji Goja and Ravi Sathoo, my brother-in-law accompanied us to Dal Lake for Shikara ride. The special session of State Assembly called by National Conference to discuss autonomy issue was on. People seemed indifferent. Nazir, our Shikarawala said, "Autonomy Watonomy Kus Haz Mangih, Ye Kamis Haz Zaroorart, Bah Khuda Agar Ameek Gam Kainse" (who will ask for autonomy, who wants it, I swear that nobody bothers about it)". Nazir talked against militants and violence. He added, "Look! It is already half past five, it is only the third Shikara which has got its number since morning. Dal is badly missing the rush of tourists".

Next we visited the Nishat Gardens. We were a group of four families. The gardener Mohd Ramzan plucked some roses to present us for some 'Bakshshish' (thanks giving). As he learnt that we were Kashmiris, he felt dismayed. Our children enjoyed the beauty of the garden. Suddenly my attention was drawn to two gun-wielding youths. I became tense but my apprehension was over when they revealed that they were Ikhwanis--the friendly pro-government militants.

Visit to the Shrine of Mata Khir Bhawani on Har Ashtmi Day will remain etched in my memory for ever. Our group, which comprised six families went a day before on Har Satam. I went to procure some blankets from stores of local Dharmarth Trust. The uncle of the notorious Hizb militant, Hamid Gadda, killed recently was at the helm of affairs there.

On Hara Ashtmi, Holy Mata gave her blissfful Darshan, when 'Om' of rose petals surfaced on the flowing waters of the Holy spring. It remained on the water surface for about seven minutes. I caught this unique spectacle in my camera. The same evening we went to Chakreshwar temple at Hari Parbat. A yagna was being performed there. We performed Puja and had Parikramas. After bowing our heads to the goddess in reverence and taking prasada, we moved on.

I had a keen desire to visit my home village Manghma in district Pulwama. Through the courtesy of an old friend, Mohd Ayub Mir I was able to fulfill my desire. He belonged to Ashmin